logo
Syria handed a significant opportunity

Syria handed a significant opportunity

Arab News18-05-2025
https://arab.news/r4zv4
There is clear and ongoing support from Saudi Arabia for the Syrian state, manifested in various ways. This includes humanitarian assistance through food, medical and essential aid provided by the Saudi aid agency KSrelief, as well as the continuous influx of volunteers in various medical and service sectors, coordinated by the Saudi government. Additionally, there is economic support, exemplified by the Kingdom, in partnership with Qatar, covering an amount of $15 million, which represents Syria's arrears to the World Bank.
Politically, Riyadh was the first capital visited by new Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa, where he met with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan has met his Syrian counterpart Asaad Al-Shaibani several times, advocating for the necessity of supporting Syria's stability and unity. Moreover, he has worked to convince a number of European and Arab capitals of the importance of addressing the negative consequences of the past decade in Syria, which has been marked by internal conflict and war, foreign influence and rival armed factions, all of which have contributed to Syria's status as a failed state, a fertile ground for terrorism, a threat to neighboring countries and a source of drug production and trafficking.
The most significant Saudi support occurred during US President Donald Trump's visit to Riyadh last week. During this visit, Trump announced the lifting of American sanctions imposed on the previous Syrian regime, a decision that was made at the request of the crown prince.
The following day, prior to the Gulf-American summit, a meeting took place between the American and Syrian presidents, attended by the Saudi crown prince, with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan joining the meeting via phone.
The announcement of the lifting of American sanctions, followed by the meeting between Trump and Al-Sharaa, represented a significant achievement for Saudi diplomacy and served as evidence of Riyadh's ability to present perspectives characterized by composure and respect in Washington.
Some may wonder: What motivates Saudi Arabia to undertake all these efforts for Syria?
The fall of former Syrian President Bashar Assad's regime last December was not a trivial event. Rather, it represented a significant political and security shift that created a structural vacuum within state institutions. This vacuum necessitated filling to prevent chaos, civil war and conflict. Furthermore, when Assad fled to Russia, he was not the only one to abandon the country; foreign allies, particularly officers from the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, as well as fighters from Lebanese, Afghan, Iraqi and Pakistani factions who had been fighting alongside Syrian forces, also left. Additionally, the diminished role of Russia in Syria caused the biggest vacuum.
The announcement of the lifting of American sanctions represented a significant achievement for Saudi diplomacy.
Hassan Al-Mustafa
This vacuum consists of two levels: internal and external. Therefore, it is crucial to have a strong Syrian government that ensures security and manages state institutions. For this government to endure and succeed, it must receive Arab support, which would act as a regional safety net, enabling it to establish diplomatic relations with neighboring countries and restore connections that were severed due to the policies of Assad.
So, there were two options: either support the new system and encourage reform and good governance or choose the second option, which is a vacuum that will lead to chaos and uncertainty.
Saudi Arabia has chosen to take the first option, considering Syria's position in Arab politics and its geographical location. Additionally, the changes that have occurred, such as the decline in influence of Iran and its allied factions, as well as the reduction in drug trafficking operations targeting Saudi Arabia, all contribute positively to Riyadh's interests.
Simultaneously, the Kingdom did not undertake these steps without an awareness of the existing complexities, the ideological background of the new rulers in Syria, the presence of foreign fighters allied with them within Syrian territory, the strained relations with the Kurds, and the ongoing Israeli assaults on Syrian land. All these are intricate issues that cannot be resolved without a long-term political vision, genuine national consensus and a civil government that includes various components of the Syrian population without sectarian or ethnic discrimination. Any resolution also requires a national reconciliation that closes the chapter on the past, prevents revenge and curtails any violent actions that may be carried out by extremist groups close to the government or those that have had ties with some of its figures.
This political, security and sectarian complexity will only get worse with a fragile economy, high unemployment rates, inflation, a lack of investment and a lack of job opportunities. Therefore, the US president's announcement from Riyadh that he would lift sanctions on Syria was a 'great gift,' coming through a 'bold and important' decision, as described by Prince Faisal. He also expressed hope that 'European sanctions on Damascus will also be lifted,' indicating that 'Syria has many opportunities to witness a major economic renaissance.' Prince Faisal emphasized that the Kingdom will be a pioneer in supporting the Syrian economy.
Following his meeting with President Trump, Al-Sharaa stated that the decision to lift sanctions will usher in a new chapter for Syria, contributing to the achievement of security, stability and reconstruction. Al-Sharaa praised the role of the crown prince, who he said had 'fulfilled his promises.'
There is widespread joy in both the Syrian and Arab streets, a joy that is well-deserved. However, the announcement, despite its significance, necessitates diligent and responsible action from the Syrian government to capitalize on this 'golden opportunity.' Notably, Trump urged them to 'show us something.' Additionally, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt posted a statement on X outlining five key points that Trump encouraged Al-Sharaa to implement. This indicates that there will be close American monitoring, requiring high-level coordination between Washington and Damascus to build trust step by step.
Saudi Arabia has fulfilled its obligations toward the Syrian people and government, engaging in effective diplomacy to preserve Syria's unity and security, while preventing sectarian conflict and condemning the ongoing Israeli aggressions. Riyadh continues this effort, which implies that Syrian diplomacy and internal governmental bodies bear a great responsibility to leverage this exceptional support and fulfill the promises made by the Syrian president in his addresses to the people, as this is the only path to reconstruction and development.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Exclusive Aoun tells Iran: No interference in our affairs, Hezbollah arms a Lebanese decision
Exclusive Aoun tells Iran: No interference in our affairs, Hezbollah arms a Lebanese decision

Al Arabiya

time26 minutes ago

  • Al Arabiya

Exclusive Aoun tells Iran: No interference in our affairs, Hezbollah arms a Lebanese decision

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun has told Al Arabiya in an interview that Beirut's message is clear: Iran should not interfere in Lebanon's internal affairs. Aoun said that he conveyed this directly to Iran's National Security Council Secretary Ali Larijani, who visited Beirut last week. He said Lebanon's relationship with Iran 'is based on respect,' adding: 'Iran is a friendly state, but on the basis of preserving our sovereignty … our message is clear: Iran will not interfere in our affairs.' The president also stressed that the question of Hezbollah's weapons 'is a Lebanese decision and does not concern Iran.' Aoun said the US proposal delivered by envoy Tom Barrack included 'Israeli withdrawal and the revival of Lebanon's economy.' He explained that Lebanon had two choices: either accept the American paper or face isolation. 'But we did not receive any threats to implement the proposal's terms,' he added. 'We are waiting for Washington to secure Israel's approval of Tom Barrack's plan.' On his relationship with Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, Aoun described it as 'more than excellent' and said he was open 'to discussing any issue, but only under the authority of the state.' He stressed that his top priority was 'ensuring the country's security and stability.' He continued: 'We are trying to spare Lebanon any internal or external conflicts, because they have exhausted us.' He also emphasized that 'the Shia community is an essential and influential component of our country. There is no threat to any sect, and I stand by my words.' Aoun welcomed 'anyone who wants to help Lebanon without interfering in our affairs.' He thanked Saudi Arabia for its support, noting that Riyadh played a role in ending Lebanon's presidential vacuum. He also stressed Lebanon's commitment to improving relations with Syria and demarcating the border 'under Saudi sponsorship.' 'We will not compromise on our relationship with Saudi Arabia,' Aoun said, adding that it dates back to the era of the Kingdom's founding king. On the economy, Aoun said: 'Our country is on the path to economic prosperity through the reforms we are implementing.' He emphasized that no one is above accountability, noting that the judiciary is working seriously to fight corruption. On the Palestinian file, Aoun said Lebanon 'has not opened the door to any direct dialogue with Israel' and reaffirmed Lebanon's firm rejection of resettling Palestinians. Regarding weapons in Palestinian refugee camps, he said: 'The decision to disarm the camps was taken by the Palestinian Authority itself, but the Iran-Israel conflict and Palestinian considerations have delayed implementation.' Lebanon's political circles are awaiting the arrival of US envoy Tom Barrack and Deputy Special Envoy for the Middle East Morgan Ortagus, who are expected in Beirut with new ideas on a plan to place all weapons under state control. The visit comes amid rising tensions following a speech by Hezbollah's leader, Naim Qassem, which sparked strong reactions and complicated the political scene. Qassem accused the government on Friday of 'handing Lebanon over to Israel' with its decision to strip Hezbollah of its weapons, warning this could lead to 'civil war.' Prime Minister Nawaf Salam denounced the remarks, rejecting what he described as a 'veiled threat.' Lebanese authorities have recently taken a firmer stance against Hezbollah and Tehran. Both President Aoun and Prime Minister Salam told Larijani last week that they reject 'any interference' in Lebanon's internal affairs, following Iran's criticism of the disarmament decision. For the first time in the history of Lebanon-Iran relations, senior Lebanese officials have spoken this bluntly and openly to an Iranian envoy. Iran remains Hezbollah's chief backer, providing money and weapons for decades. The government's move – described by Hezbollah's opponents as 'historic' – was framed as part of implementing the US-brokered ceasefire agreement that ended the Hezbollah-Israel war on November 27. The decision stipulates that only Lebanon's official security and military institutions may carry weapons.

How Syria can move beyond division, achieve reconciliation
How Syria can move beyond division, achieve reconciliation

Arab News

time26 minutes ago

  • Arab News

How Syria can move beyond division, achieve reconciliation

LONDON: Eight months after the fall of the Bashar Assad regime, the world is watching and hoping that Syria, despite its fragility, can avoid partition along sectarian lines. The latest crisis erupted in mid-July in the southern province of Suweida. On July 12, clashes broke out between militias aligned with Druze leader Sheikh Hikmat Al-Hijri and pro-government Bedouin fighters, according to Human Rights Watch. Within days, the fighting had escalated, with interim government forces deploying to the area. On July 14, Israel launched airstrikes on government buildings in Damascus and Syrian troops in Suweida with the stated aim of protecting the Druze community. Although they constitute just three to five percent of Syria's overall population, the Druze — a religious minority — make up the majority in Suweida, with further concentrations in Israel and the Israeli-occupied Golan. Diplomatic maneuvers quickly followed. On July 26, Israeli and Syrian officials met in Paris for US-mediated talks about the security situation in southern Syria. Syria's state-run Ekhbariya TV, citing a diplomatic source, said both sides agreed to continue discussions to maintain stability. The human cost has been severe. Fighting in Suweida has displaced roughly 192,000 people and killed at least 1,120, including hundreds of civilians, according to the UN refugee agency, citing a UK-based monitoring group. The bloodshed in Suweida has cast a long shadow over Syria's post-Assad transition. 'Syria is already fractured,' Joshua Landis, director of the Center for Middle East Studies at the University of Oklahoma, told Arab News. 'The Druze region is under Druze control and the much more important northeast is ruled by the Kurdish-led SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces). 'The real question is whether (President Ahmad) Al-Sharaa's new government can bring them back under government control.' • Syria is home to eight major religious sects, including Sunni, Alawite, Twelver Shiite, Ismaili, Druze and several Christian denominations. • Its ethnic and cultural mosaic includes Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, Assyrians, Armenians, Yazidis and others with distinct identities. Analysts say the surge in violence reflects the fragility of Syria's political and social landscapes. 'This violence is not only disturbing; it's also revealing a lot about the internal dynamics inside Syria,' Ibrahim Al-Assil, who leads the Syria Project for the Atlantic Council's Middle East programs, told CNN last month. 'It also shows how fragile not only the ceasefires are but also the whole transition inside Syria.' Al-Assil said the turmoil also tests the ability of Syria's government, its society, and regional powers — including Israel — to guide the country toward stability. Despite a US-mediated ceasefire declared on July 16, sporadic clashes persist. Residents report severe shortages of food, fuel and medicine, blaming a government blockade — an allegation Syria's interim authorities deny. Camille Otrakji, a Syrian-Canadian analyst, describes Syria as 'deeply fragile' and so vulnerable to shocks that further stress could lead to breakdown. He told Arab News that although 'officials and their foreign allies scramble to bolster public trust,' it remains 'brittle,' eroded by 'daily missteps' and by abuses factions within the security forces. From a rights perspective, institutional credibility will hinge on behavior. Adam Coogle, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch, stresses the need for 'professional, accountable security forces that represent and protect all communities without discrimination.' Coogle said in a July 22 statement that de-escalation must go hand in hand with civilian protection, safe returns, restored services and rebuilding trust. The battlefield map complicates the political storyline. Tensions between the SDF and government troops threaten an agreement reached in March to integrate the Kurdish-led coalition into the national military. Talks were set back earlier this month when the two sides clashed, with both accusing the other of striking first. The interim government announced it was backing out of talks planned in Paris in objection to a recent conference calling for a decentralized, democratic constitution. The August 8 meeting in the northeastern city of Hasakah brought together Kurds, Druze and Alawite figures and called for a new democratic constitution and a decentralized system that respects Syria's cultural and religious diversity. State-run news agency SANA quoted an official accusing the SDF-hosted event of having a separatist agenda and of inviting foreign intervention. Meanwhile, religion and identity remain combustible. The coalition of rebel groups that ousted Assad in December was led by Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, which was led by Al-Sharaa. The insurgent pedigree of parts of the new administration fuels mistrust among communities already raw from years of war. Meanwhile, fear continues to grip Alawite communities in coastal areas amid reports of ongoing revenge attacks. Assad belonged to the sect and promoted many in his government, making them a target since his downfall, even though most had nothing to do with his repression. A UN-backed commission that investigated violence in coastal areas in March found that killings, torture, looting and burning of homes and tents primarily targeted Alawites and culminated in massacres. These developments across the war-weary country have heightened fears of sectarian partition, though experts say the reality is more complex. 'The risk is real, but it is more complex than a straightforward territorial split,' Haian Dukhan, a lecturer in politics and international relations at the UK's Teesside University, told Arab News. 'While Syria's post-2024 landscape is marked by renewed sectarian and ethnic tensions, these divisions are not neatly mapped onto clear-cut borders.' He noted that fragmentation is emerging not as formal borders but as 'pockets of influence' — Druze autonomy in Suweida, Kurdish self-administration in the northeast, and unease among some Alawite communities. 'If violence persists,' Dukhan says, 'these local power structures could harden into semi-permanent zones of authority, undermining the idea of a cohesive national state without producing formal secession.' In Suweida, communal confidence is buoyed by a sense of agency — and by outside deterrence. Al-Hijri, the most prominent of Syria's three Druze leaders, has resisted handing control of Suweida to Damascus. 'There is no consensus between us and the Damascus government,' he told American broadcaster NPR in April. Landis, for his part, argues that Israel's military posture has been decisive in Suweida's recent calculus. Taken together, these incidents underscore the paradox of Syria's 'local' conflicts: even the most provincial skirmishes are shaped by regional red lines and international leverage. Against this backdrop, Damascus has drawn closer to Turkiye. On August 14, Reuters reported the two had signed an agreement for Ankara to train and advise Syria's new army and supply weapons and logistics. 'Damascus needs military assistance if it is to subdue the SDF and to find a way to thwart Israel,' Landis said. 'Only Turkiye seems willing to provide such assistance.' Although Landis believes it 'unlikely that Turkiye can help Damascus against Israel, it is eager to help in taking on the Kurds.' While the SDF has around 60,000 well-armed and trained fighters, it is still reliant on foreign backers. 'If the US and Europeans are unwilling to defend them, Turkiye and Al-Sharaa's growing forces will eventually subdue them,' said Landis. For Ankara, the endgame is unchanged. Turkiye's strategic aim is to prevent any form of Kurdish self-rule, which it views as a security threat, said Dukhan. 'By helping the government bring the Kurdish-led SDF into the national army and reopening trade routes, Turkiye is shaping relations between communities and Syria's place in the region.' Could there be more to Syria's flareups than meets the eye? Ghassan Ibrahim, founder of the UK-based Global Arab Network, thinks so. 'It looks like a sectarian conflict, but at the same time, it has a strong element of political ambition,' he told Arab News. He pointed to the unrest in Suweida as one example. 'On the surface, what happened there looks sectarian, but at its core, it's more about political autonomy.' Elaborating on the issue, he noted that Al-Hijri had long supported Assad and believed Suweida should have a degree of independent self-rule. 'When that ambition was crushed — by the (interim) government — things spiraled out of control, taking on a stronger sectarian appearance,' he said. 'But I still see it mainly as a struggle for power — each side is trying to bring areas under its control by force.' This perspective dovetails with Dukhan's view that 'sectarian identity in Syria is fluid and often intersects with economic interests, tribal loyalties and local security concerns.' He noted that 'even in areas dominated by one community, there are competing visions about the future.' That fluidity complicates any blueprint for stabilization. Even if front lines quiet, the political map could still splinter into de facto zones where different rules and loyalties prevail. To Landis, the government's current instinct is consolidation. He believes the leadership 'has chosen to use force to unify Syria,' which he adds 'has proven successful' in the coastal region 'because the Alawites are not united and had largely given up their weapons.' Success by force in one region, however, does not guarantee the model will travel. In Suweida, Israel's tripwire and Druze cohesion have raised the price of any government offensive. In the northeast, the SDF's numbers, organization, and foreign ties complicate any quick military integration. If raw power cannot produce a durable settlement, what could? For Dukhan, the transitional government's challenge is 'to prevent local self-rule from drifting into de facto partition by offering credible political inclusion and security guarantees.' That formula implies a real negotiation over autonomy, representation, and local policing — sensitive subjects that arouse deep suspicion in Damascus and among nationalists fearful of a slippery slope to breakup. Landis agrees that compromise is possible, but unlikely. 'Al-Sharaa has the option of compromising with Syria's minorities, who want to retain a large degree of autonomy and to be able to ensure their own safety from abuse and massacres,' he said. 'It is unlikely that he will concede such powers.' Still, experts say Syria can avoid permanent fracture if all sides — domestic and foreign — work toward reconciliation. As Syria's conflict involves multiple domestic factions and foreign powers, Ibrahim said international actors could foster peace by pressuring their allies on the ground. Responsibility, he stressed, lies with all sides. 'The way forward is cooperation from all,' he said. 'For example, Israel could pressure Sheikh Al-Hijri and make it clear that it's not here to create a 'Hijristan'.' Ibrahim was referring to the Druze leader's purported ambition to carve out a sovereign state in Suweida. Otrakji said that 'after 14 years of conflict, Syria is now wide open — a hub not just for diplomats and business envoys, but also for military, intelligence and public relations operatives.' The previous regime was rigid and combative, he said, but the new leadership 'seems intent on pleasing everyone.' That balancing act carries dangers — overpromising at home, underdelivering on reforms, and alienating multiple constituencies at once. Otrakji stressed that without full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2254, Syria will remain trapped 'on a dizzying political rollercoaster' and in uncertainty. The UNSC reaffirmed on August 10 its call for an inclusive, Syrian-led political process to safeguard rights and enable Syrians to determine their future. Global Arab Network's Ibrahim concluded that Syria does not need regime change, but rather reconciliation, education and a leadership capable of dispelling the idea that this is a sectarian war. Sectarian and religious leaders, he said, 'must understand that Syria will remain one unified, central state with some flexibility — but nothing beyond that.'

Israel's moral compass cannot be abandoned to extremist rhetoric
Israel's moral compass cannot be abandoned to extremist rhetoric

Arab News

timean hour ago

  • Arab News

Israel's moral compass cannot be abandoned to extremist rhetoric

Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich's recent call to 'bury the idea of a Palestinian state' was not an isolated remark but part of a concerning pattern that undermines the very principles upon which Israel was founded. In 2023, he declared the Palestinian people to be 'an invention' and called for the West Bank village of Huwara to be 'wiped out' — statements that have generated distress both among Palestinians and within the international community, including Israel's closest allies. Such rhetoric, especially from a senior government official, risks eroding Israel's moral standing, weakening its diplomatic relationships and threatening the foundations of its security. National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has similarly contributed to heightened tensions, asserting that his 'rights in the Land of Israel are more important' than those of Palestinians and advocating for changes to the status quo on the Temple Mount. Such actions and words carry the risk of igniting further instability in the region. The cumulative effect of these statements is to strain Israel's relationships with its allies, threaten its long-term security and make the path to coexistence more difficult for future generations. The consequences of such rhetoric are tangible and immediate. These statements provide adversaries with material to advance their own agendas, portraying Israel as resistant to peace and reinforcing cycles of radicalization. When extremism takes hold on one side, it too often fuels extremism on the other. It is incumbent upon Israel's leaders to break this cycle and to demonstrate a commitment to peace and justice. The diplomatic repercussions are already apparent. The US State Department has expressed its disapproval, while leaders across Europe have voiced serious concerns and some lawmakers are considering targeted measures. Even partners in the Abraham Accords have warned that such rhetoric could jeopardize the progress achieved toward normalization and cooperation. Responsible leadership must carefully safeguard these achievements, not place them at risk. The voices of extremism do not represent the broad, diverse and often moderate consensus of the Jewish people. Ronald S. Lauder The vast majority of Jews, both in Israel and throughout the diaspora, reject this form of extremism. They understand that such positions distract from Israel's legitimate security concerns and move the conversation away from pragmatic, peaceful solutions. This is not the vision that Theodor Herzl or the founders of Israel had for the state — a vision rooted in safety, democracy and moral purpose for all its citizens. Herzl's vision for Israel was clear: a state grounded in justice, coexistence and the highest civic values. In his writings, Herzl advocated for a nation that would uphold dignity and equality for all its inhabitants, regardless of religion or ethnicity. Upholding these ideals is essential not only for earning international respect but for ensuring Israel's own security and future. Departing from these principles risks isolating Israel and undermining its standing among nations. The voices of extremism do not represent the broad, diverse and often moderate consensus of the Jewish people. Such ideologies narrow Israel's prospects, empower its critics and make the prospect of a lasting peace more remote. True leadership seeks to expand the horizons of possibility, not limit them. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government bear the responsibility to speak clearly: these views do not reflect the values or official position of Israel. In such critical times, silence may be misconstrued as acceptance. As the Torah instructs: 'Tzedek, tzedek tirdof' — justice, justice you shall pursue. Israel's leaders must ensure their words and actions foster justice, peace and unity for all who call the nation home. History will judge whether Israel's leaders chose the path of vision, responsibility and unity or whether they allowed the nation's moral compass to be surrendered to voices of division. The choice before us is clear and the responsibility lies with those who lead. • Ronald S. Lauder is president of the World Jewish Congress. X: @lauder_ronald

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store