Mali's junta tightens grip after five years of military rule – DW – 06/17/2025

DW

5 hours ago

When General Assimi Goita seized power in 2020, many hoped it would bring positive change to Mali, a country grappling with jihadist attacks and an economic crisis. What has actually happened in the past five years?
In 2020 and 2021, General Assimi Goita siezed power of Mali, bringing the country under military rule. Elections scheduled for February 2024 were postponed due to "technical reasons," including issues related to the adoption of a new constitution and a review of electoral lists. A new date has not been announced.
In June 2025, the National Transitional Council approved a bill granting Goita an additional five-year term, extending his presidency until at least 2030.
Stalled fight against Islamist rebels
One of the main justifications for the coup was to improve the nation's security amid a growing number of jihadist attacks. However, this plan has not worked, said Ahmed Ould Abdallah, president of the Sahel Sahara Center for Security Strategies.
"Not only has terrorism not disappeared, it is actually increasing and becoming more intense. It no longer affects only the north and center of the country, but also the south toward Sikasso, and the Kayes region in the west," he told DW.
In early June 2025, several Malian army positions were attacked by the al-Qaeda-affiliated Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims, known as JNIM. At least 30 people were killed in the attack on a camp. In September 2024, JNIM succeeded in attacking Bamako and occupied the airport for several hours. In July 2024, heavy fighting took place in the town of Tinzaouatene near the Algerian border. Tuareg separatists inflicted heavy losses on the Malian army and the Russian-backed Wagner Group.
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Fousseyni Ouattara, vice president of the Defense and Security Commission of Mali's transitional parliament, the National Transitional Council, told DW he blames "invisible hands" for the recent attacks, without offering a specific explanation.
He claims that Mali is in control of its territory.
"There is no doubt that the situation has improved compared to four years ago," he said. "Today, we are acting with full sovereignty. The capture of Kidal shows that there has been a major change."
In November 2023, the Malian Armed Forces, with the help of Wagner Group mercenaries, recaptured the northern city of Kidal from the CSP rebel alliance.
The Ministry of Defense's 2025 budget is 485 billion CFA francs (about $858 million), accounting for nearly 20% of the national budget. Some voices feel it's disproportionate.
"At some point, you have to negotiate," Yoyana Baniara, a former judge and politician in Chad, told DW. "If you put a larger portion of resources into war, you put the country in a difficult economic situation."
Dissolution of political parties, suppression of free speech in Mali
In May 2025, the Malian authorities decided to dissolve all political parties. Many, including Sidylamine Bagayoko, professor of anthropology at the University of Bamako, feel it was the wrong move. "It is political debate that enriches the diversity of discussions and opinions so that the country can move forward," says Bagayoko. Since Mali had close to 300 political parties, many agreed that the system was in need of reform. But such an extreme decision, according to Ulf Laessing, director of the Sahel regional office for the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Bamako, amounts to an "abolition of the opposition."
May 3, 2025: Pro-junta demonstrators in Bamako chant slogans as opposing political parties protest against their dissolution Image: AFP
Indeed, opposition voices seem to come increasingly under threat. The opportunities to freely express one's opinion in Mali have deteriorated over the past five years, said Claus-Dieter König, head of the West Africa office of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation (RLS) in Dakar.
"Goita is becoming a dictatorial ruler. Opposition members live in fear of being arrested. Radio stations have been banned and it is more difficult to obtain licenses," König says.
Journalists in the country feel pressure not to write about army losses in the fight against jihadists or about Russian mercenaries, say experts,
Oppression in every corner
Several pro-democracy activists have recently been detained in Mali. According to Human Rights Watch, two opposition leaders who took part in protests in early May have disappeared. Research by the journalist consortium Forbidden Stories found that Malian civilians have been arbitrarily arrested, kidnapped, and tortured in secret prisons. They say Mali's army and the Wagner Group are behind this. Government member Fousseyni Ouattara rejects such accusations: "In Mali, our prisons are open to everyone. Anyone can visit them. No one is arbitrarily arrested," he told DW.
Mali's academic sector is also under threat, says professor Sidylamine Bagayoko: "From 2020 to the present, we have seen several academics imprisoned. As a result, other intellectuals who want to write about restrictions on freedoms, or express their opinions about it. remain cautious."
Assimi Goita took control of Mali through two coups Image: AP Photo/picture alliance
However, despite concerns related to freedom of expression, the current regime still has many supporters, said Laessing. 'I do believe that the predominantly young population still supports the government because they did not want a return to the old elites, who, although elected, were considered corrupt and very close to France.'
Fighting corruption while Mali's economy struggles
When it comes to corruption, some observers are cautiously optimistic.
"In the population survey we conduct annually, respondents say they see an improvement," says Svenja Bode, resident representative of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation's Mali office in Bamako.
In 2021, about 90% of respondents said they believed corruption in Mali was very high. This figure has fallen to 58% according to this year's survey which was released in May. Yet regardless of whether or not such perceptions are accurate, it is clear that the government has taken some steps towards reducing corruption — and made sure they were covered by the media, said Bode.
Yet fighting corruption is one thing; improving everyday life is another. 'I don't yet see the major economic progress that will ultimately translate into better living conditions,' said Claus‑Dieter König of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation.
Mali recently introduced an unpopular new tax on mobile communications and mobile‑money transfers.
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Education initiatives suffer
Meanwhile, power shortages remain a serious problem, and the cost of living has risen sharply due to inflation linked in part to Russia's war in Ukraine, which has driven up the cost of materials worldwide.
"Mali imports everything from gasoline to grain, is heavily dependent on the world market and has no access to the coast,' said Ulf Laessing of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation.
At the same time, experts such as Laessing say Western countries, including France, are suspending their work in Mali as Russia becomes more involved. The shift is negatively affecting education initiatives.
Laessing said he spoke with Malian participants at an education conference in Tunisia who told him that although there are many initiatives and plans, few are implemented.
Reliou Koubakin and Etienne Gatanazi contributed to this article. It was edited by Sarah Hucal.