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As Louisiana's governor faces ethics charges, his lawyer raises bar for future ethics investigations

As Louisiana's governor faces ethics charges, his lawyer raises bar for future ethics investigations

Time of India2 days ago

As Louisiana's governor faces ethics charges, his lawyer raises bar for future ethics investigations (Image: AP)
NEW ORLEANS: Louisiana is poised to adopt new measures that watchdogs warn raise barriers to holding public officials accountable via the state's ethics board. The legislation was drafted by the personal attorney of Republican Gov.
Jeff Landry, who faces charges brought by the board for violating state ethics laws.
Proponents say the measures give those accused of ethics violations more opportunities to respond to allegations, increases transparency and limits abuses of a process they claim is often unjust. But watchdog groups - and the Board of Ethics - warn the changes will undermine the board's ability to hold public officials accountable.
While the changes would not apply to Landry's current charges, the legislation further bolsters the governor's power over a state board largely made up of his own appointees. Having overwhelmingly passed in the House and Senate this week - only three lawmakers voted against it - the bill awaits Landry's signature.
Republican Rep Gerald "Beau" Beaullieu, who sponsored the bill, said it was brought forth after officials complained that the board's investigation process was "more like being investigated by the Gestapo."
Landry's office declined to comment.
Another bill would share the names of complainants with officials they are accusing of wrongdoing, as well as limit the board's ability to launch investigations.
Governor's lawyer behind the legislation Landry's private attorney, Stephen Gele, drafted the legislation, which the governor supports.
Gele is defending Landry against ethics charges brought in 2023 for undisclosed free plane rides to Hawaii when he served as the state's attorney general.
Gele said negotiations are progressing to "amicably resolve the charges."
Last year, Gele warned lawmakers that the ethics board's investigatory powers are "dangerous, unwarranted, and threaten well-established fundamental constitutional rights" and he has sought to rein them in with new legislation.
The bill's supporters say it gives the board more discretion about whether to pursue investigations and bring charges, cuts down on waste of taxpayer dollars and strengthens due process rights for the accused.
Yet these changes are raising red flags.
In a letter to lawmakers, the Board of Ethics warned that the bill's requirement to share copies of all subpoenas with officials under investigation allows them to "influence a witness's documents or responses."
Critics say the bill undercuts the board's authority by granting local courts the power to quash investigations, gives officials opportunities to run out the clock on the board's one-year timeline to bring charges and prevents the board from investigating violations that were disclosed by public officials seeking the board's advisory opinion.
The bill also requires a two-thirds board vote to approve an investigation into a sworn complaint and another two-thirds vote on whether to file charges. Current policy requires only majority votes.
Barry Erwin, president of the Council for a Better Louisiana, a nonpartisan government accountability group, said the bill's two-thirds vote requirements constitute a "high bar to overcome" for a board of political appointees.
"I just think in real life, in very political situations, it's hard for some of these board members to act with the independence in the system we had before," Erwin said.
A bill that will reduce complaints The other bill under consideration - which Gele said he did not craft and Landry has not publicly supported - would require anyone bringing an ethics complaint to disclose their name and file the complaint in person at the ethics board offices in Baton Rouge.
The bill passed in the House with only seven lawmakers opposed and is pending final passage in the Senate.
In a legislative committee hearing, David Bordelon, general counsel for the ethics board, warned that the bill would enable officials "to intimidate a witness or potentially alter information that's requested." Bordelon said the measure would "drastically reduce the number of complaints."
The legislation's sponsor, Republican Rep Kellee Hennessey Dickerson, said her bill is part of a fight for "truth" and "justice."
"For those of us who have been through it, it helps develop peace of mind, knowing who your accuser is, especially when you are spending thousands upon thousands of dollars to try and clear your good name," said Dickerson, who was fined $1,500 for an ethics violation in 2023.
She argued people frequently file complaints to harass their political opponents. Bordelon countered that the board dispassionately evaluates complaints and provides the accused with the opportunity to defend themselves if charges are brought.
The bill also prevents the ethics board from launching investigations based on non-governmental sources such as media reports.
Governor dominates state ethics board Following legislation passed last year, the governor directly appoints nine of the board's 15 members, with the Legislature appointing the rest.
Officials with the legislative and executive branches now have more control over those who may be tasked with investigating them, watchdogs note.
"It's gone from a process that was as much arm's length away from politics as we could make it, and we had it that way for many years, to a process now that is very much more political than we've ever seen it," Erwin said. "It's going to be very difficult for the board to act in a way that guarantees that kind of oversight we want to have."

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Israel-Gaza conflict: Thai hostage Nattapong Pinta's body recovered; 95 Palestinians killed in fresh strikes
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Israel-Gaza conflict: Thai hostage Nattapong Pinta's body recovered; 95 Palestinians killed in fresh strikes

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Trump officials seek to end school desegregation orders; parents push back
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Trump officials seek to end school desegregation orders; parents push back

Even at a glance, the differences are obvious. The walls of Ferriday High School are old and worn, surrounded by barbed wire. Just a few miles away, Vidalia High School is clean and bright, with a new library and a crisp blue V painted on orange brick. Ferriday High is 90 per cent Black. Vidalia High is 62 per cent white. For Black families, the contrast between the schools suggests we're not supposed to have the finer things, said Brian Davis, a father in Ferriday. It's almost like our kids don't deserve it, he said. The schools are part of Concordia Parish, which was ordered to desegregate 60 years ago and remains under a court-ordered plan to this day. Yet there's growing momentum to release the district and dozens of others from decades-old orders that some call obsolete. In a remarkable reversal, the Justice Department said it plans to start unwinding court-ordered desegregation plans dating to the Civil Rights Movement. Officials started in April, when they lifted a 1960s order in Louisiana's Plaquemines Parish. Harmeet Dhillon, who leads the department's civil rights division, has said others will bite the dust. It comes amid pressure from Republican Gov Jeff Landry and his attorney general, who have called for all the state's remaining orders to be lifted. They describe the orders as burdens on districts and relics of a time when Black students were still forbidden from some schools. The orders were always meant to be temporary school systems can be released if they demonstrate they fully eradicated segregation. Decades later, that goal remains elusive, with stark racial imbalances persisting in many districts. Civil rights groups say the orders are important to keep as tools to address the legacy of forced segregation including disparities in student discipline, academic programs and teacher hiring. They point to cases like Concordia, where the decades-old order was used to stop a charter school from favouring white students in admissions. Concordia is one where it's old, but a lot is happening there, said Deuel Ross, deputy director of litigation for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. That's true for a lot of these cases. They're not just sitting silently. Debates over integration are far from settled Last year, before President Donald Trump took office, Concordia Parish rejected a Justice Department plan that would have ended its case if the district combined several majority white and majority Black elementary and middle schools. At a town hall meeting, Vidalia residents vigorously opposed the plan, saying it would disrupt students' lives and expose their children to drugs and violence. An official from the Louisiana attorney general's office spoke against the proposal and said the Trump administration likely would change course on older orders. Accepting the plan would have been a death sentence for the district, said Paul Nelson, a former Concordia superintendent. White families would have fled to private schools or other districts, said Nelson, who wants the court order removed. It's time to move on, said Nelson, who left the district in 2016. Let's start looking to build for the future, not looking back to what our grandparents may have gone through. At Ferriday High, athletic coach Derrick Davis supported combining schools in Ferriday and Vidalia. He said the district's disparities come into focus whenever his teams visit schools with newer sports facilities. It seems to me, if we'd all combine, we can all get what we need, he said. Others oppose merging schools if it's done solely for the sake of achieving racial balance. Redistricting and going to different places they're not used to ... it would be a culture shock to some people," said Ferriday's school resource officer, Marcus Martin, who, like Derrick Davis, is Black. The district's current superintendent and school board did not respond to requests for comment. Federal orders offer leverage for racial discrimination cases Concordia is among more than 120 districts across the South that remain under desegregation orders from the 1960s and '70s, including about a dozen in Louisiana. Calling the orders historical relics is unequivocally false, said Shaheena Simons, who until April led the Justice Department section that oversees school desegregation cases. Segregation and inequality persist in our schools, and they persist in districts that are still under desegregation orders, she said. With court orders in place, families facing discrimination can reach out directly to the Justice Department or seek relief from the court. Otherwise, the only recourse is a lawsuit, which many families can't afford, Simons said. In Concordia, the order played into a battle over a charter school that opened in 2013 on the former campus of an all-white private school. To protect the area's progress on racial integration, a judge ordered Delta Charter School to build a student body that reflected the district's racial demographics. But in its first year, the school was just 15 per cent Black. After a court challenge, Delta was ordered to give priority to Black students. Today, about 40 per cent of its students are Black. Desegregation orders have been invoked recently in other cases around the state. One led to an order to address disproportionately high rates of discipline for Black students, and in another a predominantly Black elementary school was relocated from a site close to a chemical plant. The Justice Department could easily end some desegregation orders The Trump administration was able to close the Plaquemines case with little resistance because the original plaintiffs were no longer involved the Justice Department was litigating the case alone. Concordia and an unknown number of other districts are in the same situation, making them vulnerable to quick dismissals. Concordia's case dates to 1965, when the area was strictly segregated and home to a violent offshoot of the Ku Klux Klan. When Black families in Ferriday sued for access to all-white schools, the federal government intervened. As the district integrated its schools, white families fled Ferriday. The district's schools came to reflect the demographics of their surrounding areas. Ferriday is mostly Black and low-income, while Vidalia is mostly white and takes in tax revenue from a hydroelectric plant. A third town in the district, Monterey, has a high school that's 95 per cent white. At the December town hall, Vidalia resident Ronnie Blackwell said the area feels like a Mayberry, which is great, referring to the fictional Southern town from The Andy Griffith Show. The federal government, he said, has probably destroyed more communities and school systems than it ever helped. Under its court order, Concordia must allow students in majority Black schools to transfer to majority white schools. It also files reports on teacher demographics and student discipline. After failing to negotiate a resolution with the Justice Department, Concordia is scheduled to make its case that the judge should dismiss the order, according to court documents. Meanwhile, amid a wave of resignations in the federal government, all but two of the Justice Department lawyers assigned to the case have left. Without court supervision, Brian Davis sees little hope for improvement. A lot of parents over here in Ferriday, they're stuck here because here they don't have the resources to move their kids from A to B," he said. You'll find schools like Ferriday the term is, to me, slipping into darkness.

Trump officials are vowing to end school desegregation orders. Some parents say they're still needed
Trump officials are vowing to end school desegregation orders. Some parents say they're still needed

Time of India

time3 hours ago

  • Time of India

Trump officials are vowing to end school desegregation orders. Some parents say they're still needed

Even at a glance, the differences are obvious. The walls of Ferriday High School are old and worn, surrounded by barbed wire. Just a few miles away, Vidalia High School is clean and bright, with a new library and a crisp blue "V" painted on orange brick. Ferriday High is 90% Black . Vidalia High is 62% white. For Black families, the contrast between the schools suggests "we're not supposed to have the finer things," said Brian Davis, a father in Ferriday. "It's almost like our kids don't deserve it," he said. The schools are part of Concordia Parish, which was ordered to desegregate 60 years ago and remains under a court-ordered plan to this day. Yet there's growing momentum to release the district - and dozens of others - from decades-old orders that some call obsolete. In a remarkable reversal, the Justice Department said it plans to start unwinding court-ordered desegregation plans dating to the Civil Rights Movement. Officials started in April, when they lifted a 1960s order in Louisiana's Plaquemines Parish. Harmeet Dhillon, who leads the department's civil rights division, has said others will "bite the dust." Live Events It comes amid pressure from Republican Gov. Jeff Landry and his attorney general, who have called for all the state's remaining orders to be lifted. They describe the orders as burdens on districts and relics of a time when Black students were still forbidden from some schools. The orders were always meant to be temporary - school systems can be released if they demonstrate they fully eradicated segregation. Decades later, that goal remains elusive, with stark racial imbalances persisting in many districts. Civil rights groups say the orders are important to keep as tools to address the legacy of forced segregation - including disparities in student discipline, academic programs and teacher hiring. They point to cases like Concordia, where the decades-old order was used to stop a charter school from favoring white students in admissions. "Concordia is one where it's old, but a lot is happening there," said Deuel Ross, deputy director of litigation for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund . "That's true for a lot of these cases. They're not just sitting silently." Debates over integration are far from settled Last year, before President Donald Trump took office, Concordia Parish rejected a Justice Department plan that would have ended its case if the district combined several majority white and majority Blac k elementary and middle schools. At a town hall meeting, Vidalia residents vigorously opposed the plan, saying it would disrupt students' lives and expose their children to drugs and violence. An official from the Louisiana attorney general's office spoke against the proposal and said the Trump administration likely would change course on older orders. Accepting the plan would have been a "death sentence" for the district, said Paul Nelson, a former Concordia superintendent. White families would have fled to private schools or other districts, said Nelson, who wants the court order removed. "It's time to move on," said Nelson, who left the district in 2016. "Let's start looking to build for the future, not looking back to what our grandparents may have gone through." At Ferriday High, athletic coach Derrick Davis supported combining schools in Ferriday and Vidalia. He said the district's disparities come into focus whenever his teams visit schools with newer sports facilities. "It seems to me, if we'd all combine, we can all get what we need," he said. Others oppose merging schools if it's done solely for the sake of achieving racial balance. "Redistricting and going to different places they're not used to ... it would be a culture shock to some people," said Ferriday's school resource officer, Marcus Martin, who, like Derrick Davis, is Black. The district's current superintendent and school board did not respond to requests for comment. Federal orders offer leverage for racial discrimination cases Concordia is among more than 120 districts across the South that remain under desegregation orders from the 1960s and '70s, including about a dozen in Louisiana. Calling the orders historical relics is "unequivocally false," said Shaheena Simons , who until April led the Justice Department section that oversees school desegregation cases. "Segregation and inequality persist in our schools, and they persist in districts that are still under desegregation orders," she said. With court orders in place, families facing discrimination can reach out directly to the Justice Department or seek relief from the court. Otherwise, the only recourse is a lawsuit, which many families can't afford, Simons said. In Concordia, the order played into a battle over a charter school that opened in 2013 on the former campus of an all-white private school. To protect the area's progress on racial integration, a judge ordered Delta Charter School to build a student body that reflected the district's racial demographics. But in its first year, the school was just 15% Black. After a court challenge, Delta was ordered to give priority to Black students. Today, about 40% of its students are Black. Desegregation orders have been invoked recently in other cases around the state. One led to an order to address disproportionately high rates of discipline for Black students, and in another a predominantly Black elementary school was relocated from a site close to a chemical plant. The Justice Department could easily end some desegregation orders The Trump administration was able to close the Plaquemines case with little resistance because the original plaintiffs were no longer involved - the Justice Department was litigating the case alone. Concordia and an unknown number of other districts are in the same situation, making them vulnerable to quick dismissals. Concordia's case dates to 1965, when the area was strictly segregated and home to a violent offshoot of the Ku Klux Klan. When Black families in Ferriday sued for access to all-white schools, the federal government intervened. As the district integrated its schools, white families fled Ferriday. The district's schools came to reflect the demographics of their surrounding areas. Ferriday is mostly Black and low-income, while Vidalia is mostly white and takes in tax revenue from a hydroelectric plant. A third town in the district, Monterey, has a high school that's 95% white. At the December town hall, Vidalia resident Ronnie Blackwell said the area "feels like a Mayberry, which is great," referring to the fictional Southern town from "The Andy Griffith Show." The federal government, he said, has "probably destroyed more communities and school systems than it ever helped." Under its court order, Concordia must allow students in majority Black schools to transfer to majority white schools. It also files reports on teacher demographics and student discipline. After failing to negotiate a resolution with the Justice Department, Concordia is scheduled to make its case that the judge should dismiss the order, according to court documents. Meanwhile, amid a wave of resignations in the federal government, all but two of the Justice Department lawyers assigned to the case have left. Without court supervision, Brian Davis sees little hope for improvement. "A lot of parents over here in Ferriday, they're stuck here because here they don't have the resources to move their kids from A to B," he said. "You'll find schools like Ferriday - the term is, to me, slipping into darkness." Economic Times WhatsApp channel )

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