logo
Hamdok: Retaking Khartoum or Forming a Government Won't End Sudan's War

Hamdok: Retaking Khartoum or Forming a Government Won't End Sudan's War

Asharq Al-Awsat11-06-2025
Former Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok has warned that recent military gains by the Sudanese army, including the recapture of Khartoum, will not bring an end to the country's devastating civil war.
Speaking on the sidelines of the Mo Ibrahim Governance Forum in Morocco, Hamdok dismissed efforts by the Port Sudan-based authorities to appoint a new prime minister and form a government, calling them 'fake' and 'irrelevant.'
There is no military solution to this conflict, Hamdok told The Associated Press, adding that whether Khartoum is taken or not, 'it doesn't matter,' as neither side can achieve a decisive victory.
The forum, held in Marrakech from June 1 to 3, brought together African and international leaders to discuss governance and development challenges across the continent.
Sudan's conflict dominated the discussions, with members of the civilian coalition Sumud - led by Hamdok - highlighting the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe and rejecting military-led political maneuvers.
Sumud leaders warned that attempts to restore Sudan's African Union membership, suspended after the 2021 military coup, could legitimize a flawed political process. They urged the international community not to fall into what they described as a 'trap' by recognizing unrepresentative governance.
More than two years of fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have left at least 24,000 dead, though many believe the true toll is far higher. Over 13 million people have been displaced, including 4 million who fled to neighboring countries. Famine and disease, including cholera, are spreading rapidly.
Despite the army's territorial gains and the recent appointment of Kamil al-Tayeb Idris as prime minister, the RSF has regrouped in Darfur and advanced in other regions, including Kordofan. Hamdok dismissed suggestions that these developments signal an end to the war, calling such claims 'nonsense.'
Hamdok, Sudan's first civilian prime minister in decades, led a fragile transition following the 2019 ouster of Omar al-Bashir. He resigned in early 2022 after a military coup derailed efforts at democratic reform. Now, he warns that genuine peace is impossible without addressing Sudan's deep-rooted issues, including regional inequality, identity conflicts, and the role of religion in governance.
'Any attempt to rebuild the country while fighting continues is absurd,' Hamdok said. 'Trusting the military to deliver democracy is a dangerous illusion.'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

World must come to the aid of Myanmar's starving civilians
World must come to the aid of Myanmar's starving civilians

Arab News

time4 minutes ago

  • Arab News

World must come to the aid of Myanmar's starving civilians

In the western reaches of Myanmar, the people of Rakhine State — both ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims — are staring down the barrel of famine. Entire towns and villages are now cut off from the outside world by a military blockade that has brought the delivery of food, medicine and humanitarian assistance to a complete standstill. These are not the chaotic conditions of war, where supply lines have simply broken down. This is a deliberate strategy — a calculated decision by the Myanmar junta to use starvation as a weapon against its own people, echoing the most chilling episodes of modern conflict. Reports describe desperate civilians living off rice husks, wild plants and whatever scraps they can barter in local markets — if they can find any at all. Aid workers have been shut out entirely. The UN, nongovernmental organizations and local charities are blocked from entering the hardest-hit areas. Hospitals are running out of even the most basic medicines. Pregnant women, children and the elderly are dying from preventable causes. Yet the world's attention remains elsewhere, distracted by other crises. This is not the first time Myanmar's military has resorted to siege tactics. During the height of the campaign against the Rohingya in 2017, the army systematically destroyed food sources, razed farmland and poisoned wells to drive entire communities out of the country. What we are witnessing now in Rakhine is the same strategy repackaged — but this time the blockade affects everyone in its path, regardless of ethnicity. Starvation is being wielded not as an incidental tragedy, but as a means of control and punishment. In some areas, the Arakan Army — the dominant armed group in Rakhine — has consolidated power, promising to govern more responsibly than the junta. Yet even under its control, aid flows remain perilously thin. The Arakan Army's own political calculations and military priorities often mean that humanitarian needs take a back seat. The result is that civilians are squeezed between two forces: a junta that uses hunger as a weapon and local armed groups that are unwilling or unable to ensure the delivery of lifesaving supplies. The global response has been tepid at best. Statements of concern have been issued; little else has been done Dr. Azeem Ibrahim International law is unequivocal on this point. Article 54 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions explicitly prohibits the starvation of civilians as a method of warfare. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court classifies it as a war crime. The blockade of Rakhine meets every definition of this crime. Yet, despite the legal clarity, the global response has been tepid at best. Statements of concern have been issued; little else has been done. If the moral imperative to act were not enough, regional powers must also consider the strategic consequences of doing nothing. Rakhine is not an isolated pocket of suffering; it is a geopolitical fault line. The longer the blockade persists, the greater the risk of mass displacement into neighboring countries. Bangladesh, already hosting nearly a million Rohingya refugees, will bear the brunt of any new influx. India will face instability along its northeastern frontier. And the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, whose credibility has already been tarnished by its ineffective handling of the Myanmar crisis, will find itself further sidelined. The urgency of this moment demands a shift in thinking. The traditional model — negotiating humanitarian access through the junta in Naypyitaw — has failed repeatedly. Every delay buys the regime more time to tighten its stranglehold. Instead, regional actors must explore alternatives that bypass the junta entirely. Cross-border aid corridors from Bangladesh and India could be established with the support of the UN and willing donor countries. These lifelines would require political courage and coordinated diplomacy, but they are both feasible and necessary. Bangladesh has historically been reluctant to engage directly with armed actors inside Myanmar for fear of diplomatic repercussions. But the scale of the crisis now unfolding in Rakhine may leave Dhaka with little choice. By working with neutral humanitarian intermediaries, it could facilitate the delivery of aid without becoming entangled in the politics of the conflict. India, with its extensive border in the northeast and influence in the Bay of Bengal, could also play a pivotal role — both as a logistical partner and as a counterweight to Chinese influence in Myanmar. The traditional model — negotiating humanitarian access through the junta in Naypyitaw — has failed repeatedly Dr. Azeem Ibrahim ASEAN, for its part, must move beyond its consensus-bound inertia. If the bloc cannot agree on a united approach, its more capable members — Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand — should lead a coalition of the willing to coordinate cross-border relief efforts. Humanitarian intervention in this form is not an act of aggression; it is an act of survival. The alternative is grimly predictable. If the blockade continues unchecked, tens of thousands will die, not from bullets or bombs but from the slow agony of starvation and untreated disease. Entire communities will be hollowed out, creating a vacuum that will be filled by criminal networks, armed militias and extremist groups. The spillover will destabilize the region for years to come, fueling refugee flows, trafficking and insurgency. History will not judge this moment kindly if we fail to act. The world stood by in 2017 when the Rohingya were driven from their homes in an act of genocide. Promises of 'never again' rang hollow then and they will ring hollow now unless they are matched by decisive intervention. The people of Rakhine have a saying that has now become a grim refrain: 'If we die, we die.' It speaks of the resignation among those who have been abandoned by their government, their would-be liberators and the international community. That resignation should shame us into action. It is within our power to pierce the blockade, deliver aid and save lives. The question is whether the political will exists to do so before it is too late. Rakhine is not yet a famine zone in the technical sense — but famine is not declared by those who starve; it is declared by those who count the dead. By the time the world's bureaucracies are ready to acknowledge what is happening, the graves will already be full. The time to act is not when the last warning signs flash red; it is now. Regional leaders, humanitarian agencies and the broader international community must treat Rakhine's blockade as the war crime it is and respond with the urgency that such a crime demands. If they fail, the words 'if we die, we die' will become not a lament, but an epitaph. • Dr. Azeem Ibrahim is the director of special initiatives at the Newlines Institute for Strategy and Policy in Washington, DC. X: @AzeemIbrahim

European ministers warn Israel's Gaza City plan would cause mass civilian deaths
European ministers warn Israel's Gaza City plan would cause mass civilian deaths

Al Arabiya

time34 minutes ago

  • Al Arabiya

European ministers warn Israel's Gaza City plan would cause mass civilian deaths

Spain and seven other European nations on Sunday condemned Israel's plan to occupy Gaza City, warning it would kill large numbers of civilians and force nearly a million Palestinians from their homes. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's security cabinet on Friday greenlighted plans for a major operation to seize Gaza City, triggering a wave of domestic and international criticism. In a joint statement, the foreign ministers of the eight nations said the decision 'will only aggravate the humanitarian crisis and further endanger the lives of the remaining hostages.' They estimated the operation could lead to an 'unacceptably high number of fatalities and the forced displacement of nearly one million Palestinian civilians,' according to a copy of the statement released by Spain's foreign ministry. They also warned that the planned offensive and occupation of Gaza City would be 'a major obstacle to implementing the two-state solution, the only path towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.' Besides Spain, the statement was signed by the foreign ministers of Iceland, Ireland, Luxembourg, Malta, Norway, Portugal and Slovenia. Foreign powers, including some of Israel's allies, have been pushing for a negotiated ceasefire to secure the hostages' return and help alleviate a humanitarian crisis in the strip. Despite the backlash and rumors of dissent from Israeli military top brass, Netanyahu has remained defiant over the decision to seize Gaza City.

Afghan refugees say they are being ‘pushed out' as Pakistan begins deportation
Afghan refugees say they are being ‘pushed out' as Pakistan begins deportation

Arab News

time10 hours ago

  • Arab News

Afghan refugees say they are being ‘pushed out' as Pakistan begins deportation

ISLAMABAD : Dozens of Afghan refugee families, including women, children and the elderly, gathered in a public park in Islamabad on Saturday after being evicted from their homes under Pakistan's crackdown on undocumented migrants. With no aid from authorities or NGOs, they endured police raids, food shortages and the constant fear of deportation to Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. 'We have nowhere to go,' said Fahima Khatoon, 45, whose children were born in Pakistan. 'My daughter is in university, if sent back, she'll face Taliban brutality.' Families cooked with their own meagre resources, often eating just once a day, while police raids forced them into hiding. 'This is our bed, the sky is our roof,' said 38-year-old Professor Ahmed Zia, pointing to the rain-soaked ground where an 18-day-old baby slept. Pakistan's repatriation plan has drawn criticism from rights groups. Over 2.1 million Afghans have already fled back this year, overwhelming Afghanistan's collapsed economy. Despite a supposed grace period, evictions continued, leaving refugees in legal limbo. 'We're not criminals,' Zia added. 'We just want to survive.' The repatriation drive by Pakistan is part of a campaign called the Illegal Foreigners Repatriation Plan launched in late 2023. In addition to the repatriation from Pakistan, Afghanistan also faces a fresh wave of mass deportations from Iran. Aid groups worry that the influx risks further destabilizing the country.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store