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Fire at Iran's largest oil refinery kills 1 in country's southwest region
AP Tehran
A fire at Iran's oldest and largest refinery in the southwest killed one person, state media reported Sunday.
A leaky pump in an under-repair unit at Abadan refinery caused the fire on Saturday, killing a worker, according to the state-owned IRAN newspaper. Firefighters put out the blaze in two hours and operations remained unaffected, the report said.
Iran's deputy parliament speaker, Ali Nikzad, confirmed Sunday that some workers were also injured, media outlets said.
Abadan oil refinery, some 670 kilometres from the capital Tehran, began its operation in 1912. It is the biggest in the Islamic Republic, producing about 25 per cent of the country's fuel with more than 5,200,000 barrels of oil refined daily.
Several fires have broken out across Iran over the past week at residential and commercial buildings, with authorities saying gas leaks and electrical short-circuiting were to blame.
Iran is one of the world's major producers of oil, though sanctions by Western countries have limited its sales.
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First Post
an hour ago
- First Post
How EU's new sanctions on Russia reveal West's colonial hangover
The new EU sanctions are not about hurting Russia anymore—they are about telling India how to behave read more The EU hasn't banned the purchase of Russian oil altogether. It has merely imposed a price cap, while pressuring others, like India, to stop refining or shipping that same oil. Image: REUTERS On July 18, the European Union (EU) imposed its 18th round of sanctions on Russia since the Ukraine war began. Among the fresh targets was an unexpected name: the Vadinar oil refinery in Gujarat, India, operated by Nayara Energy, in which Russian oil giant Rosneft holds a 49 per cent stake. Not stopping there, the EU went further to designate the Indian flag register itself, signalling that ships flying the Indian tricolour could be targeted if they are suspected of transporting Russian oil. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD And yet, in a peculiar twist of logic, the EU hasn't banned the purchase of Russian oil altogether. It has merely imposed a price cap 15 per cent below the prevailing market rate, allowing itself to continue energy imports from Russia while pressuring others, like India, to stop refining or shipping that same oil. What does this imply? The EU wants to buy Russian oil, just not if it's touched by Indian hands. This is not a geopolitical strategy grounded in consistency or fairness. It reeks of hypocrisy. The Sham of Sanction Morality Since the war in Ukraine broke out in 2022, Western capitals have scrambled to impose sanctions on Russia, penalising its banks, banning technology exports, freezing assets, and restricting energy exports. The intention was to cripple Russia's war machine by starving it of funds. However, as months passed, the West itself quietly resumed or continued many of these same transactions under different guises. India, like any rational state, saw an opportunity in discounted Russian crude. As Western buyers moved away (at least on paper), India ramped up its purchases, now exceeding one million barrels per day. This oil, heavily discounted, has helped New Delhi manage inflation, stabilise its energy supply, and ensure growth for 140 crore citizens. This pragmatism hasn't gone unnoticed in Washington and Brussels. But instead of acknowledging their own continued dependence on Russian energy, particularly natural gas, the West has targeted Indian refiners, shippers, and institutions. The new EU sanctions are not about hurting Russia anymore. They are about telling India how to behave. The underlying assumption is simple: the West sets the rules; the rest of the world must follow. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Energy for Whom? Let's dissect the numbers. In 2022 alone, the EU paid over $120 billion to Russia for fossil fuels. This included oil, natural gas, and coal. Compare this with India's total bill: about $50 billion—less than half of Europe's. Who, then, is fuelling the Russian economy? Spain and Belgium were among the top LNG importers from Russia. Germany, after shutting down pipeline imports post-Ukraine invasion, began receiving Russian LNG via its ports. Italy has also continued to buy Russian-origin oil, sometimes routed through third countries. Even the United States, which claims moral superiority, continues importing vital commodities from Russia. Case in point: uranium. Nearly 20 per cent of the uranium used in American nuclear power plants still comes from Russia. So much for an embargo. When national interests are involved, moral grandstanding takes a back seat. India Pushes Back India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has not taken this duplicity lying down. Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal responded firmly: 'Securing the energy needs of our people is understandably an overriding priority for us.' That's the crux. In an energy-starved country with burgeoning demand, fuel isn't just an economic issue; it's a developmental necessity. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Union Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri, too, asserted that India is well-prepared to navigate sanctions, noting that India today buys oil from over 40 countries compared to just 27 in the past. Diversification, not dependency, has been India's guiding principle. Moreover, the MEA has expressed serious concern over reports of the United States planning a 500 per cent tariff on countries continuing to buy Russian oil, an undeclared threat aimed squarely at India. The very idea that a sovereign country could be penalised for making independent choices that benefit its people is absurd, but it reveals the West's real aim: control. Nato's Hypocrisy: The Case of Turkey If these sanctions were truly about punishing Russian partners, why is Turkey, another country buying Russian oil and even hosting the TurkStream gas pipeline, not under similar fire? Turkey, a NATO member, bought Russian S-400 missile systems in 2019. The US did impose minor sanctions on Turkish defence entities, but Ankara remains a Nato member and continues to transact with Moscow. The Western world makes exceptions for Turkey because of its strategic geography. India, by contrast, is expected to follow the West's orders or face consequences. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Sovereignty Is Not for Sale The EU's latest move sanctioning an Indian refinery and targeting Indian-flagged vessels isn't about stopping Russian oil. It's about sending a message to India: fall in line, or be punished. This is an affront to Indian sovereignty. The Vadinar refinery processes oil not just for India but for international clients, including European ones. Europe has happily purchased refined products from India, even when they originated from Russian crude. So Europe pays India for processed fuels while penalising India for importing the crude used to make them. It is hypocrisy of the highest order. India's position is clear. It is not buying oil to finance a war. It is buying oil to power its economy. And unless the West is willing to completely cut off its energy ties with Moscow, which it won't, it has no moral authority to lecture India. The Global South and the New Multipolarity This episode illustrates a broader truth: the era of unipolar Western dominance is fading. Countries like India, China, Brazil, and others in the Global South are asserting their economic sovereignty and refusing to toe Western lines blindly. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India has extended humanitarian aid to Ukraine, spoken to both Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Vladimir Putin, and consistently called for dialogue. But it has also made it clear: national interest comes first. We will not compromise our energy security because the West wants a moral trophy. This is not just an issue of oil. It is an issue of global fairness. The West cannot continue creating a two-tier system where its interests are sacrosanct and others' interests are expendable. A Test of Global Leadership If the EU and the US want to lead, they must do so by example. Leadership isn't about coercion. It's about consistency and integrity. You cannot ask India to stop doing what you continue to do behind closed doors. It is time to call out the Western bluff. The sanctions regime, as it stands, is neither effective nor equitable. It is simply a mechanism to enforce Western will under the guise of international morality. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India must stay the course—firm, unyielding, and self-assured. We don't owe anyone an explanation for prioritising our people's needs. We are not a vassal state. We are a rising power. And we will decide our path, not Washington, not Brussels. Conclusion The EU's 18th round of sanctions has exposed more than it has achieved. It has revealed the moral bankruptcy of a West that wants to have its oil and lecture others, too. For India, this is not just a diplomatic challenge. It is a test of resolve. We must never forget: the ultimate responsibility of any government is to its people. As long as Russian oil provides a reliable and affordable option, we should not be cowed into abandoning it. Let the West fix its reactions before pointing fingers. India stands for peace, yes. But India also stands for sovereignty. And that is not negotiable. The writer is a technocrat, political analyst, and author. He pens national, geopolitical, and social issues. His social media handle is @prosenjitnth. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
The Print
3 hours ago
- The Print
China's Brahmaputra dam is also a military asset. It raises alarm for India
In contemporary geopolitics, infrastructure has become a strategic language of its own, one that Beijing is speaking fluently. Beyond the spectacle of scale, the Chinese online discourse quickly turned the project into a symbol of strategic ascendancy. India, the downstream neighbour, is cast as anxious and reactive . China, in contrast, is portrayed as visionary and unyielding—a master of its geography and architect of a new regional order. Chinese Premier Li Qiang, on 19 July, presided over the groundbreaking of what is set to become the world's largest hydropower dam , on the so-called 'Yarlung Zangbo', as China refers to the Brahmaputra River. Within hours, Chinese online platforms erupted in celebration. A Weibo hashtag marking the occasion—#Construction begins on lower Yarlung Zangbo Hydropower Project—amassed over 73 million views. Engineering feat or strategic signal? The Medog Hydropower Station is projected to cost $167 billion and boasts a planned capacity of 70 to 81 million kilowatts, roughly triple that of the Three Gorges Dam. Once completed, it is expected to generate 300 billion kilowatt-hours annually. The project will take a decade to build, but its signalling to the region, especially India, is immediate. Hu Xijin, former editor-in-chief of the Global Times, a daily Chinese tabloid, criticised Western media for focusing on India's ecological and geopolitical concerns while ignoring what he called an 'engineering miracle'. For Hu, the dam is not just about electricity; it is also a declaration of China's ability to tame the Himalayas and reshape geography. One Chinese commentator claimed that India's objections stem not from technical concerns, but from its deeply entrenched 'security-first' mindset. New Delhi, the commentator argued, has long prioritised control over collaboration, building its own dams while accusing others of weaponising water. 'India's alarmism,' another wrote, 'comes from its own guilty conscience.' China's dual narrative Officially, Beijing is presenting the dam as a developmental initiative, aimed at energy security, poverty alleviation, regional integration, and transforming Nyingchi into the 'Little Sichuan' or 'Jiangnan of Tibet.' Talk of water weaponisation is being brushed aside as paranoia. Commentators invoke 'non-zero-sum' logic and portray China as a responsible upstream actor. But unofficial voices tell a different story. 'India, which tries to control Pakistan with water cuts, now fears China might do the same,' one commentator quipped. Victor Gao, vice president of the Beijing-based Center for China and Globalization, was even more blunt: 'If India uses rivers as leverage against Pakistan, it should be prepared for reciprocity.' These comparisons are not new. Over a decade ago, Ye Hailin, director of Asian Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, argued that if India expects restraint from China as an upstream power, it should accept the same standard when Pakistan, downstream of India, makes similar demands. A more recent commentary on Baidu put it less diplomatically: 'Just a month ago, before the official exchange of fire between India and Pakistan, India took the initiative, cutting off water at will, then releasing it, showing little regard for the lives of Pakistani civilians. Faced with a neighbour like India, we [China] must abandon any moral restraint. We should move at our own pace, neither seeking to dominate nor to appease. Stand firm, when necessary, fight when required. Otherwise, we risk being the ones who suffer.' Also read: India's 'triple anxiety'—What Chinese media sees in Jaishankar's Beijing visit Water, border, and politics of control On Chinese social media, the discussion turned openly strategic. One user noted a road built inside the dam tunnels, ostensibly for maintenance, that leads directly to Arunachal Pradesh. 'In peacetime, it is for power,' the user wrote. 'In wartime? I do not need to spell it out.' This is infrastructure envisioned not just as an economic backbone, but as a military asset, both shield and sword. This strategic undertone also helps explain Beijing's long-standing refusal to enter a hydrological data-sharing agreement with India. As Hu Suisheng, senior fellow at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, once noted, such cooperation would implicitly acknowledge India's border position—especially over Arunachal Pradesh, which China disputes. Despite the rhetoric of regional uplift and mutual benefit, India's concerns have been routinely dismissed by the Chinese official narrative and online discourse. There has been no consultation, only unilateral action over a transboundary river system that feeds millions downstream. Beneath China's rhetoric of development flows a deeper current, shaped by quiet force and strategic intent. This is not merely the redirection of water but the rewriting of the regional order through determination and power. For New Delhi, this dam raises alarm. For Beijing, this is advantageous on multiple fronts. Cooperation may be the language used, but the headwaters of the Brahmaputra speak of dominance and unilateral action, not dialogue or mutual benefit. Sana Hashmi is a fellow at the Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation. She tweets @sanahashmi1. Views are personal. (Edited by Ratan Priya)
The Hindu
4 hours ago
- The Hindu
How Karnataka's artisans strive to stay afloat sans a middleman
The recent years have seen a surge in the demand for traditionally handcrafted home decor. Brassware, wooden idols, handmade lamps, rugs and more are being marketed as 'minimalist aesthetic' on various social media platforms and weekend pop-ups. Minimalism, referring to a lifestyle of intentionally living with only essentials rather than focusing on appearances, has led to a boom in the Aesthetic Economy. The gleaming finish of various handicrafts in Karnataka's newly constructed urban houses raises the question of who really benefits from it. At a hushed weaving unit in Bengaluru, Nanditha Sulur's team consists of 15 weavers who make rugs, pure silk and cotton silk sarees using traditional pit looms. 'As home decor becomes more popular, people tend to focus on the price and beauty of the product without taking into consideration the creator or the time it took to make it,' says Nanditha, owner of Indu Silks and Sarees in Bengaluru. By removing intermediaries, Nanditha ensures her customers pay fairly, instead of exorbitant prices. When determining prices, the cost of raw materials and complexity of designs are factored in, as well as daily wages for workers. 'I've seen my saris being sold at much higher prices in other outlets, which is why I made sure to eliminate the middlemen,' she says. 'People want a handmade finish at mass-produced rates,' says Jeenal Desai, founder of Clayodyssey in Bengaluru, commenting on the home decor trend. She explains, 'I have tried to sell my pottery through middlemen twice but since they add a 30% charge, it becomes more expensive.' Heritage and handiwork Artisanal hubs such as Channapatna and Bidar, which once reflected Karnataka's cultural heritage and craftsmanship, are struggling to remain relevant due to new marketing techniques. 'The National Institute of Design and National Institute of Fashion Technology have helped artisans reinvent their products, enabling them to reach a broader global market. Dolls that were traditionally made have now become educational tools, pen holders, and showpieces,' says HR Rajappa, Managing Director (MD), Karnataka State Handicrafts Development Corporation (KSHDC). 'Channapatna toys have become much more than just toys. From napkin rings to chandeliers, Channapatna artisans are developing designs using innovative colours and shapes,' says Karthik, founder of Varnam Craft Collective. Varnam, which has been collaborating with Channapatna artisans for over a decade, observes that the demand from city buyers and foreign customers for customised products is time-consuming and results in a lower yield return for the artisans. Middlemen continue to wield power in numerous craft ecosystems by setting up units and gaining more profit. Though traditional handicrafts have begun to decorate Indian homes, many consumers remain unaware of their origin. 'Artisans using banana fibre and sandalwood are slowly being replaced by the Western or Korean products in marketplaces and metro station stalls,' adds M Mandal, Manager Development, KSHDC. A fine balance While keeping up with the times is important, one should not stray far off the mark where culture is concerned. Commenting on this ironic loss of tradition, Shejal Tewari, chief aide for an independent documentary on Karnataka's handlooms that is currently in production, says, 'A line should be drawn if artisans are being forced to commit to a trend which may fade away eventually.' She mentions the 'two-minute sari' with readymade pleats. 'It is functional, but a sari is not just a garment. The whole experience of learning how to drape it from your mothers and sisters is taken away. Such trends cannot carry the value of stories and memories forward.' 'The term 'sustainability' is often used as a marketing gimmick without taking into account the production process of each handicraft,' says Karthik. 'Even though the forests are regulated, the use of wood is still necessary for handicrafts such as Channapatna toys, which means they cannot be termed sustainable.' 'Culture and tradition seem to exist within spaces that are not doing well financially, and while they have a few patrons, the ones actually using their hands and sitting at the loom, are from villages and financially backward areas. No funds are provided taking that into consideration,' says Shejal. She adds how knowledge handed down over generations, is being eradicated as artisans do not want their children to take up the family craft. 'They'd rather see their sons as street vendors than learn the craft. It is not about money anymore, it is a social concern.' Baby steps 'The KSHDC works towards preserving and protecting Karnataka's rich tradition of craftsmanship,' says Rajappa, adding, 'Each piece has a set price that is not arbitrary. The price is calculated by a committee comprising officers and master artisans, who take into consideration the skill, material value, and workmanship it entailed.' He goes on to explain how accommodationshave been built in Kalanagar a at Channapatna to support artisans. These homes are provided with subsidies and are rented for ₹155 per month through 25-year EMIs. Similarly, Bidriware artisans working with blackened zinc and inlaid silver, have adapted to crafting corporate gifts and home decor. Through Cauvery Handicrafts and its e-commerce portal, the government provides support to artisans and minimises the involvement of middlemen. Even as the KSHDC's influence stretches across Karnataka, craftsmen in smaller towns still struggle without funds and support. A few such as Prakash Cannappa Ganiger, an artisan at Krishikala Handicrafts based in Mysore, have taken matters into their own hands. 'We train local women in Yarebudihal at grassroot level, thereby forming a self-help group or a sangha.' Though sales happen through melas, exhibitions and social media plans help widen their reach. 'Despite the challenges faced by rural artisans due to financial disparity, there is hope as now consumers increasingly favour products created using ecological and sustainable practices,' says Prakash. Boon and bane Mahalasa Prashant, who runs Adhya creations in Bengaluru, says online platforms such as Dhruti Mahila Marukatte and Facebook provide opportunities for women entrepreneurs to promote and sell their crafts. She emphasised the need for a tight-knit social circle among independent artisans, especially when dealing with common issues they face, including haggling and plagiarism. Mahalasa says, 'Once, I found a screenshot of a custom nameplate I had made, posted on another account for sale. On confronting them, they denied the allegation and deleted the post. In this sea of social media you can never keep track of such accounts.' The fickleness of trends is as significant as their far-reaching impact. The subtle loss of heritage, tradition and identity loom large as artisans and their consumers subconsciously call for makeovers.
