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Planning Min. Announces National Initiative for Smart Green Projects 3rd Round Results

Planning Min. Announces National Initiative for Smart Green Projects 3rd Round Results

Rana Atef
The activities of the National Conference for the 3rd Round of the National Initiative for Smart Green Projects concluded last evening, under the patronage and presence of Dr. Mostafa Madbouly, Prime Minister. The Prime Minister and Dr. Rania A. Al-Mashat, Minister of Planning and Economic Development and International Cooperation, honored 18 winning projects in various categories of the initiative. The governors of New Valley, Menoufia, and Gharbia were also honored for their participation in the "Green Village" initiative.
The event was attended by Dr. Yasmine Fouad, Minister of Environment, Dr. Manal Awad, Minister of Local Development, Dr. Mahmoud Mohieldin, UN Special Envoy for Financing the Sustainable Development Agenda, Ms. Elena Panova, UN Resident Coordinator in Egypt, Mr. Alessandro Fracassetti, UNDP Resident Representative in Egypt, and a number of officials from national entities, development partners, and representatives of the winning companies in the initiative.
During the conference, the Minister of Planning and Economic Development and International Cooperation reviewed the national efforts to promote development and the transition to a green economy, particularly since Egypt's presidency of COP27.
Dr. Al-Mashat highlighted Egypt's active role in amplifying the voice of developing and emerging countries in all international forums, calling for the importance of establishing the concept of just and equitable financing. She explained that the government has launched numerous national strategies and initiatives of an international nature, as well as practical and innovative solutions to translate commitments into action and bridge development gaps through various financing mechanisms, most notably the "Sharm El-Sheikh Guidebook for Just Financing," which sets out guiding principles for implementing this concept.
Winning Projects
The conference witnessed the honoring of the 18 winning projects in the 3rd round of the National Initiative for Smart Green Projects in the governorates across its six categories. In the large-sized projects category, the winning projects were Biofarm for Sustainable Agricultural Investment and Development from New Valley Governorate, the Sustainable Transportation project from Alexandria Governorate, and the project to use excess hydrogen as combustion fuel in steam production boilers instead of natural gas.
In the medium-sized projects category, the winning projects were the Flare Gas Reduction and Thermal Emissions Reduction project at Badr El-Din Petroleum Company fields in Matrouh Governorate, the Tree Forest project in the Qantara East Industrial Zone in Ismailia Governorate, and the Terra Tech Environmental Solutions "Fiberglass Rebar Manufacturing" project from Dakahlia Governorate.
The ministry also announced the winning projects from the governorates in the small-sized local projects (Haya Karima) category, which are the Black Soldiers Fly project from Assiut Governorate, the Spirulina Algae Cultivation and Production (Future Food) project from Port Said Governorate, and the Lost Treasure project from New Valley Governorate.
Regarding the development projects related to women, climate change, and sustainability category, the Ministry of Planning and Economic Development and International Cooperation announced the winning of the Mangrove Bees project from Red Sea Governorate, the Shrimp Shell Waste Recycling and Women's Livelihood Improvement project in Shakshouk Village from Fayoum Governorate, and the project to use Biofloc technology and Bacillus subtilis bacteria for natural food production and aquaculture water treatment from Damietta Governorate.
In the non-profit community initiatives and participation category, the winning projects were the Smart Green Rehabilitation and Reform Centers project from Minya Governorate, the Hatching and Economic Production of Endangered Sea Cucumber Species project from Suez Governorate, and the 1859 Poinciana Tree Planting Initiative project.
Regarding the projects submitted by startups category, the winning projects in the 3rd round of the National Initiative for Smart Green Projects were the Development of a Non-Contact Radar System for Mapping the Electrical Signal of the Heart for Rapid and Accurate Medical Diagnosis Using 77 GHz Millimeter Wave Radar from Damietta Governorate, the Environmental Pollution Reduction and Agricultural Sector Development Using Green Nanotechnology project from Gharbia Governorate, and the Industrial Wastewater Treatment Unit Using Low-Cost and Environmentally Friendly Green Technology project from Qena Governorate.
During the event, Ambassador Hisham Badr, General Coordinator of the National Initiative for Smart Green Projects, gave a presentation on the key results of the 3rd round of the National Initiative for Smart Green Projects, the winning projects, the pillars of the initiative, and the key outputs over three years.
It is noted that the number of projects participating in the 3rd round of the National Initiative for Smart Green Projects reached about 5,797 projects representing all governorates of the republic. The large-sized projects category had 777 projects, the medium-sized projects category had 1,053 projects, the small-sized local projects category had 683 projects, the startups category had 1,083 projects, the non-profit projects category had 1,150 projects, and the women's projects category had 1,151 projects. The total number of evaluation hours in the third round reached 17,000 evaluation hours.
The event included the screening of a documentary film about the National Initiative for Smart Green Projects, its role in promoting development efforts and climate action, and integrating environmental and sustainability standards into development at the governorate level. Recorded speeches were also broadcast by the ministers: Dr. Badr Abdel-Atti, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emigration and Egyptian Expatriates, Dr. Amr Talaat, Minister of Communications and Information Technology, Dr. Yasmine Fouad, Minister of Environment, Dr. Manal Awad, Minister of Local Development, and Counselor Amal Omar, President of the National Council for Women.
Green Village Initiative
During the event, Major General Dr. Mohamed El-Zamlout, Governor of New Valley, Major General Ashraf El-Gendy, Governor of Gharbia, and Major General Ibrahim Abu Laymoun, Governor of Menoufia, were honored after the villages of "Major General Sobeeh," "Nahtai," and "Shama" in the three governorates won the "Tarshid" certificate, which is one of the top 10 certificates worldwide in terms of compliance with "net-zero emissions" standards, awarded by an independent verification body (the Egyptian Green Building Council, affiliated with the World Green Building Council). It is the first internationally accredited certificate awarded to villages in the Haya Karima initiative that successfully integrate environmental sustainability standards into development efforts, promoting the green transition.
It is worth noting that the "Green Village" initiative was launched to qualify "Haya Karima" villages to comply with the latest global environmental standards of the World Green Building Council and obtain the "Tarshid" certificate for green rural communities, focusing on three main pillars: "Energy, Water, and Resources."
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This military junta is rebranding itself to hold elections. But a UN probe has found evidence of intensifying atrocities
This military junta is rebranding itself to hold elections. But a UN probe has found evidence of intensifying atrocities

Egypt Independent

time17 minutes ago

  • Egypt Independent

This military junta is rebranding itself to hold elections. But a UN probe has found evidence of intensifying atrocities

As evidence mounts of intensifying atrocities, including the torture of children, being committed in Myanmar, the country's military generals are rebranding their junta regime and planning stage-managed elections in a nation they only control parts of. They've rescinded a four-year state of emergency order, imposed during their 2021 military coup, and formed a caretaker administration to govern the war-torn Southeast Asian country until a new parliament is assembled following a national vote. But it is merely a cosmetic change, analysts say — designed to give the appearance that it's playing by the democratic playbook while remaining firmly in power, something Myanmar's military have a long and notorious history of doing. The election, to be held in stages over December 2025 and January 2026, is resoundingly regarded as a sham and a tool used by the junta to give it a veneer of legitimacy as it seeks to entrench its rule and gain international recognition. The junta's notoriety, though, is only growing. UN investigators have gathered evidence of systemic torture against those detained by the military, summary executions of captured combatants or civilians accused of being informers, children as young as two being detained in place of their parents, and aerial attacks on schools, homes and hospitals. Here's what to know: How we got here For more than four years, Myanmar's military rulers have waged a brutal civil war across the country, sending columns of troops on bloody rampages, torching and bombing villages, massacring residents, jailing opponents and forcing young men and women to join the army. The United Nations and other rights groups have accused the military of war crimes as it battles democracy fighters and longstanding ethnic armed groups to cling to power. Military officers march during a parade to commemorate Myanmar's 80th Armed Forces Day in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, on March 27, 2025. Aung Shine Oo/AP At the head of this junta is Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief who seized power in 2021, overthrowing the democratically elected government of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and installed himself as leader. The military, which had previously ruled Myanmar with an iron fist for decades, sought to justify its takeover by alleging widespread voter fraud in the 2020 election, which was won in a landslide by Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy Party. The claims were never substantiated. Min Aung Hlaing has been sanctioned and spurned by the West, the country's economy is in tatters, and his military has lost significant territory in its grinding, multi-front civil war. Evidence of 'systemic torture' The UN's Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar has said that the 'frequency and intensity' of atrocities in the country has only escalated over the past year. Children as young as two years old were often detained in place of their parents and some were also abused and tortured, the group found. It has collected evidence of 'systemic torture' in the military-run detention facilities, including rape and other forms of sexual violence. Some detainees died as a result of the torture, according to the IIMM. Protesters sit in the middle of the street during the demonstration to protest against the military coup on February 1, 2021 in Yangon, Myanmar. Santosh Krl/SOPA Images/LightRocket/Getty Inmages/File Those responsible include specific members and units of security forces involved in operations as well as high-ranking commanders, according to the group. The military has repeatedly denied committing atrocities and says it is targeting 'terrorists.' The junta has not responded to media requests for comment. 'A sham election' The junta said its election objectives are for a 'genuine, disciplined multiparty democratic system and the building of a union based on democracy and federalism.' But with most of the country's pro-democracy lawmakers in exile or jail, and the military's widespread repression and attacks on the people, such a vote would never be considered free or fair, observers say. 'It's a sham election… It's not inclusive, it's not legitimate,' Mi Kun Chan Non, a women's activist working with Myanmar's Mon ethnic minority, told CNN. Many observers have warned that Min Aung Hlaing is seeking to legitimize his power grab through the ballot box and rule through proxy political parties. 'He needs to make himself legitimate … He thought that the election is the only way (to do that.),' said Mi Kun Chan Non. The United States and most Western countries have never recognized the junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar, and the election has been denounced by several governments in the region – including Japan and Malaysia. A soldier from the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), a main armed group fighting the military, walks to a reconnaissance mission. Thierry Falise/LightRocket//Getty Images A collective of international election experts said a genuine election in Myanmar 'is impossible under the current conditions,' in a joint statement released by the umbrella organization International Idea. The experts pointed to 'draconian legislation banning opposition political parties, the arrest and detention of political leaders and democracy activists, severe restrictions of the media, and the organization of an unreliable census by the junta as a basis for the voter list.' Others say they cannot trust the military when it continues its campaign of violence, and when its history is littered with false promises of reform. Voting in a war zone Details on the election process are thin, but many citizens could be casting their votes in an active conflict zone or under the eyes of armed soldiers – a terrifying prospect that some say could lead to more violence. Junta bombs have destroyed homes, schools, markets, places of worship and hospitals, and are a primary cause of the displacement of more than 3.5 million people across the country since the coup. There are fears that those in junta-controlled areas will be threatened or coerced into voting. And some townships may never get to vote, given the junta's lack of control over large swathes of the country outside its heartland and major cities. One of the country's most powerful ethnic armed groups, the Arakan Army, has said it will not allow elections to be held in territories it controls, which includes most of western Rakhine state. In pictures: Aung San Suu Kyi 37 photos Aung San Suu Kyi poses for a portrait in Yangon, Myanmar, in 2010. A month earlier, she had been released from house arrest. Drn/Getty Images And the National Unity Government, an exiled administration which considers itself the legitimate government of Myanmar, has urged the people to 'oppose and resist' participating in the poll, saying the junta 'does not have the right or authority to conduct elections.' There are also signs the military is moving to consolidate its power in those parts of the country it does not control. As it rescinded the nationwide state of emergency, it also imposed martial law in more than 60 townships – giving the military increased powers in resistance strongholds. 'The military has been pushing hard to reclaim the territories it has lost, but regaining consolidated control — especially in the lead-up to the elections — will be a near impossibility within such a short timeframe,' said Ye Myo Hein, a senior fellow at the Southeast Asia Peace Institute, based in Washington DC. 'Instead, holding elections amid this perilous context is likely to trigger even greater violence and escalate conflict nationwide.' Already, there are moves to further quash dissent ahead of the poll. A new law criminalizes criticism of the election, threatening long prison sentences for those opposing or disrupting the vote. And a new cybercrime law expands the regime's online surveillance powers, banning unauthorized use of VPNs and targeting users who access or share content from prohibited social media sites. Like 'putting old wine in a new bottle' Min Aung Hlaing recently formed a new governing body, the National Security and Peace Commission (NSPC), replacing the previous State Administration Council. The junta chief also has added chairman of the new regime to the roster of titles he now holds, which includes acting President and chief of the armed forces. And the new interim administration is stacked with loyalists and active military officers. The move was 'nothing more than an old trick — putting old wine in a new bottle,' said Ye Myo Hein. 'The military has used such tactics many times throughout its history to create the illusion of change… The military junta, led by Min Aung Hlaing, remains firmly in the driver's seat.' It has been here before. Myanmar has been governed by successive military regimes since 1962, turning a once prosperous nation into an impoverished pariah state home to some of the world's longest running insurgencies. A military soldier (L) stands in front of a pile of seized illegal drugs during a destruction ceremony in Yangon on June 26, 2025. Sai Aung Main/AFP/Getty Images In 2008, the military regime pushed ahead with constitutional reform that paved the way for a semi-civilian government to take power, while preserving its significant influence on the country's politics. What followed was a decade of limited democratic reform and freedoms that brought greater foreign investment –- including the return of global brands like Coca-cola – and engagement with western nations. A generation of young Myanmar nationals began to dream of a different future to their parents and grandparents, as investment and opportunities poured in. But the military never really gave up political power. When state counselor Aung San Suu Kyi's party stormed to a second term victory in the 2020 election, it came as a surprise to some military figures, who had hoped their own proxy party might take power democratically. The former democracy icon was detained during a coup the following year, tried by a military court and sentenced to 27 years in prison. The 80-year-old's exact whereabouts is still a tightly guarded secret, and the junta has sought to ensure Suu Kyi and her popular, but now dissolved, NLD party would be politically wiped out. International recognition By presenting itself as a civilian government, analysts say the military will also try to convince some countries to normalize ties. Russia and China are two of Myanmar's biggest backers, and Thailand and India have pushed for more engagement with the junta to end the crisis on their borders. China's foreign ministry last Thursday said it 'supports Myanmar's development path in line with its national conditions and Myanmar's steady advancement of its domestic political agenda.' In recent weeks, Min Aung Hlaing had unexpectedly good news from the US. A letter from the Trump administration detailing its new tariff rates was spun domestically by the junta leader as increased engagement. Then, the Trump administration dropped sanctions on several companies and individuals responsible for supplying weapons to Myanmar, prompting outcry from the UN Special Rapporteur for Myanmar Tom Andrews who called the moved 'unconscionable and a major step backward for efforts to save innocent lives.' Members of Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) receive military equipment after getting special combat training in a secret jungle near Namhkam, Myanmar's northern Shan State on November 9, 2024. Stringer/AFP/Getty Images Myanmar's Ministry of Information has also signed a $3 million a year deal with Washington lobbying firm DCI Group to help rebuild relations with the US, Reuters news agency recently reported. The group, as well as the US Treasury Department, the US State Department, and Myanmar's Washington embassy did not immediately respond to Reuters' requests for comment. Democracy supporters opposed to the junta have warned the international community against falling for the military's election plan, and say such a poll will never be accepted by the people. Min Aung Hlaing and his junta 'have sucked all the resources and money than can and the country has nothing left,' said Mi Kun Chan Non, the women's activist. 'Everything has fallen apart … The education system has collapsed; the healthcare system has collapsed. Business is just for the cronies.' So, any future peace negotiations that follow the elections, 'we can never trust,' she said. 'And the situation of the people on the ground will not change.'

Where Do the Flowing Dollars Go?
Where Do the Flowing Dollars Go?

See - Sada Elbalad

time3 hours ago

  • See - Sada Elbalad

Where Do the Flowing Dollars Go?

Report by: Mohamed Negm Last week, we highlighted the main sources of Egypt's foreign currency revenues, which stem from five key sectors. The largest contributor is remittances from Egyptians abroad, amounting to $33 billion, while the smallest—temporarily—was revenues from the Suez Canal, at around $4 billion. There are also other resources, such as loans, foreign aid, portfolio investment (the stock market), payments for Egyptian services, visa fees, property sales, and so on. However, these sources are neither sustainable nor stable, and some of them do not generate significant amounts. But where do these dollars go? Who controls them? And how stable and sustainable are they? In economic terms: what are the uses of these foreign currency resources—primarily the US dollar? To begin with, it must be stressed that the Egyptian economy is now on the verge of emerging from the bottleneck it has been stuck in during the past four years, due to both external and internal factors. Signs of recovery include improved foreign currency inflows into the Egyptian market, healthier macroeconomic indicators, and an early rise in GDP growth rates. Importantly, Egypt continues to meet its external obligations, most notably by consistently servicing its external debt—both principal and interest—on schedule. It should also be noted that most of Egypt's foreign currency resources are influenced by political and geopolitical factors, as well as by global confidence in the Egyptian economy's ability to correct itself, sustain gradual growth, and maintain political and economic stability, with steady fiscal and monetary policies. Thanks to these factors, remittances from Egyptians abroad have returned to their previous levels. At the same time, exports rose to $24.5 billion in the past six months, while tourism revenues reached $9 billion. Foreign direct investment is expected to climb from $10 billion last year to over $16 billion by the end of this year, and Suez Canal revenues are projected to rise from $4 billion to more than $7 billion. Overall, Egypt now enjoys a more balanced position between its foreign currency needs and resources. Net foreign assets at the Central Bank and local banks have turned from deficit into surplus, generating a reasonable buffer. This is why Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly recently stated that Egypt's resources had fully covered its dollar needs over the past two months. But the question remains: where did these dollars go, and how were they used? The largest share was allocated to cover imports, which reached $72 billion last year but have since started to gradually decline on a monthly basis. Another major portion went to servicing external debt, where Egypt paid around $39 billion last year in principal and interest. Other uses included: - Meeting individual needs during Umrah and Hajj seasons (around 350,000 pilgrims for Umrah and 80,000 for Hajj, requiring about $1.5 billion), - Profit repatriation by foreign investors (both direct and portfolio), - Egyptians' expenses for overseas tourism, education, and healthcare, - Payments of Egypt's membership contributions to certain international organizations. It is evident that the two main uses are imports and debt service. The first cannot be reduced without advancing 'industrial localization' and continuing agricultural expansion. The second—debt servicing—cannot be neglected, and Egypt is expected to finish paying its external debt installments by 2046–2047, provided there are no new borrowings. Imports include four main categories essential to local production and exports: food, medicines, machinery and equipment, and raw materials. Last year, for example: - 25% of imports were mineral and chemical products, - 24% agricultural products (wheat, corn, meat, etc.), - 15% machinery and equipment, - 13% basic metals. Specifically, Egypt imported in the past year: - Around $8.56 billion worth of wheat, corn, and soybeans, - Refined petroleum worth nearly $8.5 billion, - Packaged medicines exceeding $2.5 billion, - Natural gas valued at around $3 billion, with prospects of further increase this year. For context, Egypt consumes roughly 20 million tons of wheat annually, producing half domestically, while importing the rest mainly from Russia, Ukraine, the U.S., France, and Romania. Fortunately, global wheat prices fell from $450 to $300 per ton. Imports are sourced mainly from: - Arab countries (oil and gas), - The European Union ($22.5 billion), - The United States ($8 billion+), - Russia ($6 billion), - China ($2.5 billion). As for debt service, Central Bank reports show that by June, Egypt's external obligations stood at: - $31.1 billion in loan installments, - $6.3 billion in interest payments, - $907 million in currency swap contracts, - $1.9 billion under repo agreements. All of these were paid on time. However, total debt service obligations between January and year-end are projected to reach $44.5 billion, broken down as follows: - $10.5 billion owed by the government, - $21.2 billion by the Central Bank, - $8.1 billion by commercial banks, - $3.5 billion by other sectors. In conclusion: While Egypt's economic situation has improved, greater effort is still needed, particularly in industrial and agricultural expansion. These are the best ways to cover domestic needs, boost exports, create jobs, lower inflation, and reduce prices of goods and services. In parallel, Egypt must work on increasing tourist inflows, enhancing the investment climate, and restoring Suez Canal revenues to pre-Red Sea crisis levels (around $10.5 billion). Most importantly, industrial localization and agricultural expansion are areas where Egypt has relative control, unlike many external sources of foreign currency, which remain vulnerable to global shocks. 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Egypt, UNDP discuss outcomes of joint projects, future environmental cooperation
Egypt, UNDP discuss outcomes of joint projects, future environmental cooperation

Daily News Egypt

time15 hours ago

  • Daily News Egypt

Egypt, UNDP discuss outcomes of joint projects, future environmental cooperation

Manal Awad, Egypt's Minister of Local Development and Acting Minister of Environment, has met with Ghimar Deeb, Deputy Resident Representative of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Egypt, to review current and future cooperation between the ministry and UNDP. The discussions focused on the progress of joint projects, their successes, and the challenges encountered. The Saturday meeting was attended by Mohamed Bayoumi, Assistant Resident Representative of UNDP; Heba Wafa, Director of Local Development, Social Inclusion and Women's Empowerment Programmes at UNDP; Hoda El Shawadfy, Assistant Minister for Ecotourism; Soha Taher, Head of the Central Administration for Climate Change and International Cooperation; and Mona Shehab, World Bank Project Coordinator at the Ministry of Local Development. Awad reviewed a comprehensive presentation assessing the status of projects jointly implemented with UNDP. The evaluation covered project management mechanisms, progress achieved compared with planned timelines, challenges faced, and the measures taken to address them. The presentation highlighted joint projects in climate change and biodiversity, including Egypt's international reporting obligations—such as transparency reports, biodiversity reports, and national adaptation plans. These reports serve as key references for the ministry's work across areas including climate change, water, energy, agriculture, coastal protection and biodiversity. Among the reviewed implementation projects was the Green Sharm initiative in Sharm El-Sheikh, a major success story that followed Egypt's hosting of the Climate Conference. Another was the Red Sea Protection Project, which includes coral reef preservation and exemplifies long-term cooperation with UNDP in safeguarding Egypt's nature reserves. The Migratory Birds Protection Project—focusing on renewable energy projects, particularly wind farms—was also highlighted as a notable success. Awad emphasised the ministry's role as Egypt's national focal point for key UN-affiliated international financing mechanisms, including the Green Climate Fund, the Global Environment Facility, and the Adaptation Fund. Through these, the ministry supports projects for other ministries, such as the coastal protection project of the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation, funded by the Green Climate Fund—one of the largest in the Arab region. The ministry also plays a coordinating role in electricity sector mitigation projects, funded by the Global Environment Facility, as well as energy-efficient building initiatives. The meeting also reviewed ozone-related projects implemented in cooperation with UNDP and the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO), as well as progress on Egypt's National Adaptation Plan for Climate Change. Awad was briefed on projects supporting local communities in nature reserves, including the Gharqana Village initiative in the Nabq Reserve, South Sinai. The project offers services to residents and creates jobs for women, girls, and Bedouin communities through the production and marketing of handicrafts. She also discussed future tourism development in the area. She directed the adoption of specific development measures for Wadi Degla Reserve to strengthen its protection, preserve its natural resources, and boost ecotourism. In addition, she reviewed projects to support private sector participation in solar power plant development, particularly in Sharm El-Sheikh, stressing the importance of removing implementation obstacles to encourage wider reliance on renewable energy. In conclusion, Awad underlined the importance of sustained coordination with UNDP to accelerate progress and expand the scope of joint projects. She stressed that maximising the benefits of international partnerships is vital to meeting global challenges and reinforcing Egypt's position as a regional leader in environmental and climate action.

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