
Philippines sees no issue if Japan amends Constitution to define SDF
Speaking to Kyodo News on Tuesday, Foreign Secretary Theresa Lazaro said that revising Article 9 of Japan's supreme law, which renounces war and bans Japan from possessing a military, to define the SDF "will augur well" for its relations with the Philippines and suit the current security issues.
"We see no emotional hang-up on such a situation. It's a different world now. We are interconnected," Lazaro said when asked how the issue is viewed by the Philippines with its harrowing experience under the Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945 during World War II.
Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party has long sought to mention the SDF in the Constitution to counter claims the forces are unconstitutional. The supreme law was drafted under the U.S.-led Allied occupation of Japan after the war and took effect in 1947.
During the war, which ended with Japan's surrender to the Allied powers on Aug. 15, 1945, approximately 1.1 million Filipinos and 500,000 Japanese soldiers and citizens died. While a strong anti-Japanese sentiment swept the Philippines for years after the occupation, the two countries normalized relations 11 years later and have since continued improving them.
The Philippines in 2023 became a recipient of Japan's official security assistance aimed at supporting like-minded partners by providing defense equipment. The two countries signed the Reciprocal Access Agreement last year to facilitate the transfer of SDF and Philippine military personnel for joint exercises and disaster relief.
The defense deals were made as both the Philippines and Japan, along with United States and other countries, face China's growing assertiveness in regional waters along with North Korea's missile and nuclear threats.
Meanwhile, Lazaro, who assumed her post early this month, said the Department of Foreign Affairs is considering sending officials to a memorial service for the Japanese and Philippine war dead "to commemorate this very important occasion."
Although the Philippine government has sent a message to the embassy-organized event that is held annually on Aug. 15 at the Japanese Memorial Garden in Laguna, south of Manila, Philippine officials have not usually attended.
In 2016, Japan's then Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko visited the site, which was built in 1973 by Japan, while Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba became the first Japanese leader to do so when he went there in April this year.
© KYODO
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In response to evolving challenges, such as the discovery of Iraq's clandestine nuclear weapons program in the early 1990s, International Atomic Energy Agency safeguard efforts grew more stringent. Many countries agreed to accept nuclear facility inspections on shorter notice and involving more intrusive tools as part of the initiative to detect and deter the development of the world's most powerful weapons. And the countries of the world extended the treaty indefinitely in 1995, reaffirming their commitment to nonproliferation. The treaty represents a complex compromise between morality and pragmatism, between the painful memories of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and hard-edged geopolitics. Despite its many imperfections and its de facto promotion of nuclear inequality, the treaty is credited with limiting nuclear proliferation to just nine countries today. It has done so through civilian nuclear energy incentives and inspections that give countries confidence that their rivals are not building the bomb. Countries also put pressure on each other to obey the rules, such as when the international community condemned, sanctioned and isolated North Korea after it withdrew from the treaty and tested a nuclear weapon. But the treaty continues to face serious challenges. Critics argue that its disarmament provisions remain vague and unfulfilled, with some scholars contending that nonnuclear countries should exit the treaty to encourage the great powers to disarm. Nuclear-armed countries continue to modernize – and in some cases, expand – their arsenals, eroding trust in the grand bargain. The behavior of individual countries also points to strains on the treaty. Russia's persistent nuclear threats during its war on Ukraine show how deeply possessors may still rely on these weapons as tools of coercive foreign policy. North Korea continues to wield its nuclear arsenal in ways that undermine international security. Iran might consider proliferation to deter future Israeli and U.S. strikes on its nuclear facilities. Still, I would argue that declaring the treaty to be dead is simply premature. Critics have predicted its demise since the treaty's inception in 1968. While many countries have growing frustrations with the existing system of nonproliferation, most of them still see more benefit in staying than walking away from the treaty. The treaty may be embattled, but it remains intact. Worryingly, the world today appears far removed from the vision of avoiding nuclear catastrophe that Hiroshima and Nagasaki helped awaken. As nuclear dangers intensify and disarmament stalls, moral clarity risks fading into ritual remembrance. I believe that for the sake of humanity's future, the tragedies of the atomic bombings must remain a stark and unmistakable warning, not a precedent. Ultimately, the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty's continued relevance depends on whether nations still believe that shared security begins with shared restraint. Stephen Herzog is Professor of the Practice, Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, Middlebury. The Conversation is an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts. External Link © The Conversation