
End the obscenity called Wagah-Attari parade. Right-wing, liberals, retd officers—all agree
The ceremony was suspended following the Pahalgam attack that killed 26 people, as India implemented broader retaliation against Pakistan. But a few days ago, the BSF resumed a 'scaled down' version of the spectacle. This time, the traditional handshakes with Pakistani Rangers were eliminated, and the border gates remained firmly shut. What's left is a truncated shadow of the original circus, with reduced crowds and muted fanfare. Now critics—across the political spectrum—are demanding permanent abolition, arguing that even this scaled-down version normalises relations with Pakistan too quickly after a terror attack that claimed Indian lives.
A miracle has emerged from the haze left behind by India and Pakistan's recent brush with war: the Indian right-wing and liberals have finally found something they can agree on. It's not about our divergent opinions on the government or caste—let's not get ahead of ourselves. Instead, this rare moment of political communion is centred on the absurd Attari-Wagah border ceremony. Both camps agree that the parade should be scrapped.
I'm not certain if dereliction applies to regular Indian citizens, but Shivshankar sums up the right-wing response: they see no dignity in matching Pakistan's theatrical aggression lunge for lunge, moustache-twirl for moustache-twirl. For them, India's strength shouldn't require daily validation through synchronised yodels and chest-thumping—certainly not with our bête noire.
This is broadly where the liberal view also lands. In addition to the indignity, they watch thousands of spectators erupt in jingoistic fervour at the function. They see citizens being fed a daily dose of performative hatred disguised as patriotism. Almost a decade ago, Sushant Singh, a military affairs expert, had argued for the ceremony to be cancelled because it promotes anti-Pakistan sentiment among regular people. 'It makes no sense,' Singh said in an interview. 'You could have film actors doing it.'
Also read: What Attari-Wagah border looked like today—children split from parents, patients straight from hospital
Everyone is on the same page
Both factions arrive at the same devastating conclusion: it is painful to watch our professional soldiers—who undergo gruelling training for years to actually defend the nation—reduced to peacocking in the extreme. When ideological opposites unite in calling something an embarrassment to the armed forces, you know the lines of decency have been crossed. The Attari-Wagah ceremony once served a purpose, but now it only leads to bipartisan shame. A new Change.org petition has called for it to be completely scrapped.
A small illustration of this is how comically the international media views the ceremony. The Guardian once labelled it 'a cross between circus ringmasters and John Cleese in Monty Python's ministry of silly walks.' The New York Times wrote about it in an article headlined 'Peacocks at Sunset.' Even the popular TV show It's Always Sunny in Philadelphia caricatured the ceremony in an episode.
But the most damning indictment comes from those who've actually worn the uniform. Lieutenant General Kanwal Jeet Singh Dhillon (retired) didn't mince words when he said, 'This 'nautanki' must stop. This is not a military parade. Beating the Retreat is a very solemn ceremony. Let's not call this drama the Beating Retreat.' Colonel Dr Anil Athale (retired) was even sharper 15 years ago, writing that those with armed forces backgrounds were 'aghast at the goose-stepping, aggressive staring match' and warned that 'by participating in this mindless display of 'jingoism' (not confident nationalism), we Indians descend to the level of Pakistan.'
The colonel pointed out that a few years prior, 'the Chinese used to broadcast anti-India abuse in Hindi at Nathu La. But we never retaliated. Eventually, the Chinese stopped their mischief.' Earlier this year, when we were far from any murmurs of war, Colonel NN Bhatia (retd) called it 'hostile and vulgar, with troops twitching their moustaches on both ends… It's time we stop such theatrical, aggressive, and fruitless ceremonies and devote our meagre resources to optimising our security.'
A solemn Attari-Wagah ceremony?
It's now clear that the only argument for continuing the ceremony in its present form has little to do with military or strategic necessity. Instead, it's driven by a need to sustain the tourist economy that it supports. Local businesses thrive at the border, where vendors hawk trinkets and offer to paint your face in the colours of the national flag. Loud Bollywood music pervades the bleachers; visitors cheer and clap back with chants of their own. And the tragic essence of the border—the heartbreak it represents for millions of Indian families—is lost in the obscenity.
A 40-minute drive from Attari lies the haunting Partition Museum in Amritsar, a modern space that also feels like a time capsule. It holds the weight of one of the cruellest chapters in India's history, with appropriate gravity. There are artefacts and testimonies of trauma, and you encounter them in silence. Grief reverberates through the museum, and I remember exiting it, surrounded by tearful faces. The museum understands that some wounds require reverence, not a carnival.
Why have we not found a way to bring that solemnity to the Attari-Wagah ceremony? Not because Pakistan forces our hand to do it, but because our own history does.
Journalist and author Man Aman Singh Chhina has written about visiting the grave of Company Quartermaster Havildar Abdul Hamid, who earned the Param Vir Chakra in the battle of Asal Uttar during the 1965 India-Pakistan war. Hamid disabled four Pakistani Patton tanks from near-point blank range but was eventually shot by a nearby tank. 'Why can't the Punjab Govt promote Asal Uttar as a tourist destination?' Chhina asks. Our military history is filled with similar acts of sacrifice. And that's the kind of remembrance this sacred ground should inspire, not synchronised goose-stepping.
The Attari-Wagah ceremony has outlived any purpose it once served. The border that witnessed the 'ujaada'—displacement—history's greatest human tragedy, deserves better than this theatrical degradation. Some spectacles are just too undignified to survive, even if they are part of tradition.
Karanjeet Kaur is a journalist, former editor of Arré, and a partner at TWO Design. She tweets @Kaju_Katri. Views are personal.
(Edited by Prashant)
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

The Wire
18 minutes ago
- The Wire
Modi's Three Sudarshan Chakras: From Mythic Precision to Military Confusion
New Delhi: The BJP-led government penchant – and the Indian military brass's support – for christening platforms, projects, formations and doctrines with Hindu mythological names intended to evoke grandeur and a continuing sense of epic valour, at times also tend to breed confusion. The latest such example is the repeated use of 'Sudarshan Chakra,' Lord Vishnu's celestial discus – meant to symbolise speed, precision, and the destruction of evil – which has blurred the line between an imported air-defence system and a planned indigenous blanket shield against aerial threats, slated for 2035. The first Sudarshan Chakra As we know, the 'Sudarshan Chakra' already refers to the five Russian S-400 'Triumf' air-defence systems India acquired in October 2018 for an estimated $5.43 billion. Three were commissioned from 2021 onwards, with the remaining two slated for delivery next year. This Sudarshan Chakra was actively deployed during Operation Sindoor across northern and western India as part of the air-defence grid, successfully intercepting incoming threats and reportedly downing five Pakistan Air Force fighters. along with a large military surveillance platform at ranges of around 300 km inside neighbouring enemy territory. Announcing this development on August 9, more than three months US President Donald Trump announced the ceasefire which 'paused' Operation Sindoor, Air Chief Marshal A. P. Singh described it as the longest recorded surface-to-air kill. Other officials praised the S-400 for living up to its 'Sudarshan Chakra' name, citing its unerring precision, formidable speed, and ability to strike multiple targets, much like Vishnu's divine discus, which, the legend goes, never missed and always returned unerringly to its master. After Operation Sindoor, the S-400 has, for many in government and the military, transcended mere technology to acquire the near-mythical aura of an ancient weapon reborn in the 21st century, enhanced with technical wizardry. It is celebrated not simply as a missile system but as an 'implacable shield,' evoking the divine armour that repelled evil and protected 'Bharat'. Now, take two Meanwhile, the latest 'Sudarshan Chakra' was announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his Independence Day address as an indigenously developed, multi-layered security shield, slated for completion by 2035, to protect strategic, civilian, and religious sites nationwide. Drawing liberally from mythology, he added that this conceptual Sudarshan Chakra would not only counter terrorist attacks but also strike back at the perpetrators. Official sources later elaborated that the PM's Mission Sudarshan Chakra will integrate land-, sea-, and space-based defences, encompassing the S-400 Sudarshan Chakra, the ongoing Ballistic Missile Defence network, and the secretive Project Kusha, also known as the Extended Range Air Defence System (ERADS). The Defence Research and Development Organisation's (DRDO's) top secret Project Kusha, named after one of Lord Rama's twin sons, Kusha, echoes his mythological role as a guardian. The top-secret Kusha is being designed as a protective shield to intercept and destroy enemy aircraft, incoming cruise and potentially even ballistic missiles. The ambitious Sudarshan Chakra project, akin to Israel's and the US's multi-tiered 'Iron' and 'Golden Dome' space-to-ground defence grids, is also expected to integrate numerous other local air-defence assets, including the upgraded Akash Prime system, all of which performed efficiently during Op Sindoor. A cross-section of veterans and analysts said that this dual use of the 'Sudarshan Chakra' moniker not only creates a 'semantic muddle' but also blurs operational understanding, making it unclear whether one means the existing S-400 missile system or the proposed indigenous, broader air-defence network. 'The overlap confuses soldiers and the public alike,' said a senior Indian Air Force (IAF) veteran. It dilutes clarity between a deployed capability and an aspirational project expected to mature over the next decade, he said, declining to be named. Other military veterans, speaking anonymously, urged the defence establishment to adopt a 'disciplined nomenclature' regimen. One suggested officially distinguishing the two Sudarshan Chakra systems as the S-400 Sudarshan Chakra and the Operation Sudarshan Shield to avoid confusion. Actually, there are three The confusion, however, deepens: 'Sudarshan Chakra' is not only the name of a Russian missile system and a proposed indigenous air-defence network, but also the designation of the Indian Army's XXI Corps, headquartered at Bhopal. The youngest of the Army's three Strike Corps, that constitute its offensive punch into enemy territory, particularly along the western front against Pakistan, XXI corps embodies mobility and concentrated firepower – of armoured divisions, mechanised infantry and artillery. Yet, despite its formidable structure and mythic name, it has largely remained a deterrent formation, rehearsing operational plans rather than unleashing its full might—an ever-ready sword still sheathed in Sudarshan Chakra symbolism. Taking all this into account, the irony in naming a weapon system, the proposed anti-missile shield, and an Army corps 'Sudarshan Chakra' is unmistakable: a weapon once synonymous with divine precision now exists in triplicate across India's military lexicon. One Sudarshan Chakra is a tried and tested Russian air-defence system, another largely exists as PowerPoint slides on missile defence, and the third is an Army corps that has yet to see battle. In many ways, the saga of the three Sudarshan Chakras not only highlights India's reverence for Hindu mythology, but also the defence establishment's willingness to embrace politically-driven, muddled nomenclature. What mythologically symbolised clarity and precision has, in India's military, become an example of branding gone astray – spawning confusion through triplication, much like a typical government directive or a railway reservation slip in times gone by. Ultimately, it's also obvious that without disciplined nomenclature, even the most exalted symbols of India's mythic or actual past can lose their clarity, creating confusion where accuracy is most needed


Indian Express
18 minutes ago
- Indian Express
North Block is leaving the building, with files, stationery and nostalgia
In its 94-year existence, North Block has seen a lot. It was the seat of power of the colonial British government, the site of spontaneous celebrations when India became Independent in 1947, and, ever since, has been a witness to successive governments shaping policy for the nation. These days, however, the corridors of the building are nearly deserted, with sections roped off, and locks hanging on doors that till recently hid a flurry of activity. The building is in the process of being emptied as part of the government's plan to redevelop the Central Vista area – the stretch from India Gate to Rashtrapati Bhawan. North Block now is to be repurposed as a museum, with key ministries that have operated out of it since 1931 when its construction finished – including Union Ministries of Home Affairs and Finance, and the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) – to be moved to a set of 'Kartavya Bhawan' buildings down the road. However, the work of shifting a government can't be hurried up. And in this case is being coordinated by a ministry – Housing and Urban Affairs, which is also spearheading the Central Vista redevelopment. Other ministries have appointed a nodal officer each for the exercise, which began around a month ago. Under their watch, files are being sorted into marked boxes, computers are being packed, and office supplies are going into cardboard containers. Artwork, including many, many photographs of Mahatma Gandhi, is being bubble-wrapped. The packing is being done by office staff, aided by a team of workers hired for the job. Once packed, the boxes are carried by workers down the stairs to a side entrance, and loaded onto tempos and government cars. These then cover the short distance to the new address. An official working in North Block says the move has been fairly smooth so far, particularly when it comes to files, given that nearly all, save the sensitive ones, are now on the government's E-Office portal. Officials in the know say the DoPT has almost entirely moved out. Jitendra Singh, the Minister of State for Prime Ministers' Office, Science and Technology and Personnel, is expected to shift soon, sources said. The Home Ministry has been allotted Kartavya Bhawan 3, and Union Home Secretary Govind Mohan and the Intelligence Bureau were some of the first ones to shift. According to sources, the shifting of some offices to KB3, as the building is referred to, began before its formal inauguration by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 6. The Finance Ministry, however, is yet to begin shifting. An officer in the middle of shifting says: 'I'm soaking in the last few days at this building. Many of my former colleagues who have worked here have been dropping by to see the offices one last time.' Like the South Block that stands across it, North Block, designed by British architect Herbert Baker in red sandstone, incorporating Indian features like jaali, chajja and chhattri, is as much a regal structure as a functional one, with plenty of light and ventilation. The new buildings, in comparison, look like any modern corporate office, with glass cabins for officers, open plan seating for most employees and access-control systems. Offices in the South Block, which houses the Prime Minister's Office and the Ministries of Defence and External Affairs, have not started moving out yet. Once both the buildings are emptied, they are to be restored and refurbished, before reopening as Yuge Yugeen National Museum. The government claims it will be the largest museum in the world. The 'charm' of North Block is what those who have worked here keep coming back to in conversations. G K Pillai, who spent seven years in North Block, first as Joint Secretary from 1996 to 2001 and then as Union Home Secretary from 2009 to 2011, recalls the sense of history that permeates the rooms. 'Stalwarts, including Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, worked here. Old-timers would tell us about important meetings that took place in the past,' Pillai, who is now retired, says. The former IAS officer adds that he personally believes that not all the ministries from North Block and South Block should have been shifted to the new quarters. 'Some of them could have stayed. The next generation of officers will lose that sense of history,' says Pillai. Durga Shanker Mishra, a 1984-batch IAS officer who retired as Uttar Pradesh Chief Secretary last year, recalls his time in a ground-floor North Block office as Director (Personnel) in the Home Ministry in 2002-2004. 'I have good memories of that office. Though I was a director in Home, I had been given a room on the Finance Ministry's side. It was a well-sized room.' However, Mishra says: 'As is the case with old buildings, there were challenges. It needed more maintenance over the years.' As Secretary, Housing and Urban Affairs, Mishra was, in fact, part of the deliberations when the Central Vista project was planned and started. He says the new Central Secretariat buildings will change the way the government works, in terms of efficiency and coordination. In fact, while senior officers – who along with ministers had large airy offices – are understandably nostalgic about the high-ceilinged large rooms that they are leaving behind, not all in the North Block will regret the change. A majority of its employees worked in cramped spaces, with partitions created within dingy rooms to accommodate more officials over the years. Mezzanine levels were also added to create space, with the temporary additions doubling the number of rooms in both North and South Blocks over the years. A section official says: 'We are looking forward to the new building. I've heard that the canteen is very nice.' But true to form, the open-plan layout of the new Secretariat also has its share of detractors. On August 5, the Central Secretariat Service Forum, which represents around 13,000 employees, wrote a letter to the Prime Minister's Office expressing concerns about 'the lack of privacy and confidentiality' in the new arrangement.


The Hindu
18 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Digital trail under scanner after Dharmavaram man's arrest for extremist links, says SP
Confirming Saturday's arrest in Dharmavaram town of Sri Sathya Sai district, Superintendent of Police V. Ratna on Sunday (August 17) briefed the media here, attesting that 42-year-old Kotwal Noor Mohammad, residing in the town for 15 years, was actively connected to the Pakistan-backed social media groups, circulating jihadi propaganda. The SP, along with Deputy SP (Dharmavaram) U. Narasingappa, disclosed that Noor Mohammad was initially thought to be a passive member, but he turned out to be an active participant in discussions intended to glorify extremist ideology. She said that the police seized the accused's mobile phone and some literature linked to the jihadi campaign in Saturday's predawn raid. 'This Dharmavaram incident is a clear proof as to how social media platforms are being mishandled and misused to negatively impact youth and gullible minds at the local level by the terrorist groups,' the SP said. Although Noor Mohammad was held on Saturday (August 16), the real investigation 'has begun now,' Ms. Ratna said, adding that the seized mobile had been sent to forensic laboratories to unravel his 'digital footprint' to map his network. She did not rule out the possibility that the accused might have acted as a recruiter or sympathiser beyond the Sri Sathya Sai district. The SP said that the case was booked under the stringent sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Immediately after the arrest, Noor Mohammad was produced before the Kadiri court in the district and was shifted to the Kadapa Central Prison on a 14-day remand. 'We are waiting for the forensic revelations which will expose the depth of his involvement in the cross-border terrorism activities,' the SP said.