logo
UGC, AICTE, NCTE to be scrapped: Will a new super-regulator end the chaos these three could never control?

UGC, AICTE, NCTE to be scrapped: Will a new super-regulator end the chaos these three could never control?

Time of India25-07-2025
India's higher education gears up for a major reset as the proposed Higher Education Commission of India (HECI) aims to replace decades-old regulators—UGC, AICTE, and NCTE—with a single, streamlined authority.
India's higher education system—spread across 1,113 universities and 43,796 colleges, according to the AISHE 2021–22—is heading for what may be its most sweeping institutional overhaul since the university system was nationalised.
The government has dusted off its reformist rhetoric to dismantle a decades-old triad of regulatory overlords: the
University Grants Commission
(
UGC
), the All India Council for Technical Education (
AICTE
), and the National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE). In their place, it proposes a singular body—the Higher Education Commission of India (HECI)—tasked with doing everything the other three were supposed to do, but better, faster, and without the administrative clumsiness.
This wasn't a bolt from the blue. Policymakers had flagged the chaos earlier too. The National Knowledge Commission (2005–2009) warned of regulatory fragmentation and called for the dismantling of the UGC-AICTE-NCTE triad. It was followed by the Yash Pal Committee Report (2009), which made an even more urgent pitch: 'Multiplicity of regulatory agencies leads to lack of coordination and policy incoherence.' Neither report was fully acted upon.
by Taboola
by Taboola
Sponsored Links
Sponsored Links
Promoted Links
Promoted Links
You May Like
Gentle Japanese hair growth method for men and women's scalp
Hair's Rich
Learn More
Undo
Successive governments chose to tinker, not transform.
Then again in 2018, under the Ministry of Human Resource Development (now renamed Ministry of Education), policymakers pitched HECI as a leaner and allegedly more autonomous alternative to the UGC. The concept matured in the National Education Policy 2020, which went a step further—recommending the merger of all three regulators into a single apex commission.
One ring to rule them all.
At first glance, it sounds like a long-overdue bureaucratic detox. But beneath the calls for efficiency and streamlining lies a deeper story—one of centralised control, collapsed specialisation, and the quiet possibility of academic overreach. Because whenever a government promises to fix complexity with centralisation, it's not just structure that gets rewritten. The soul of the system changes too.
So the questions write themselves: Why now? Why one regulator? And who watches the one who watches everyone else?
A legacy of silos and silence
Historically, India's post-independence higher education system relied on a sector-specific regulatory structure, with different bodies overseeing different streams of education. The University Grants Commission (UGC), established in 1956, was responsible for regulating universities and general higher education institutions.
It handled tasks such as funding allocations, curriculum development, and maintaining academic standards across disciplines like arts, science, and commerce.
The All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE), originally set up in 1945 and granted statutory status in 1987, was tasked with overseeing technical and professional education, including engineering, management, architecture, pharmacy, and hotel management.
Meanwhile, the National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE), established in 1995, regulated teacher education programmes, setting norms, granting approvals, and monitoring institutions offering degrees such as B.Ed.
and M.Ed.
Each of these regulators operated in isolation, with distinct mandates and regulatory frameworks—a model that made sense when disciplines were neatly boxed, institutions were fewer, and regulation meant inspection rather than innovation.
But the 21st-century Indian campus is anything but boxed. A single institution may today offer a B.Tech in AI, a B.Ed in science pedagogy, and a minor in ethics and literature—and find itself caught in a three-way tug-of-war between regulatory bodies who seldom talk to each other.
The result? Not oversight, but overhead. Not accountability, but administrative fatigue.
Where did things go wrong?
On paper, the tripartite regulatory model—UGC for universities, AICTE for technical education, and NCTE for teacher training—was neat, logical, and compartmentalised.
But by the late 2000s, the system began to unravel under the weight of its own silos. India's higher education was evolving, institutions were expanding, disciplines were blending—and the regulators stayed frozen in time.
Overlapping jurisdictions, colliding mandates
The first cracks appeared when colleges started breaking out of their traditional academic ghettos. A private university might now offer an integrated B.Tech in Data Science with a liberal arts minor.
An institute of education might pair a B.Ed with environmental studies or STEM modules. Sounds progressive? Yes. But for the regulators, it triggered a turf war.
In such cases, the institution had to seek separate approvals from UGC, AICTE, and NCTE—each with its own forms, deadlines, inspections, and (often contradictory) compliance requirements. What followed was:
Duplication of compliance:
One course. Three sets of paperwork. Dozens of inspections.
Conflicting mandates:
What AICTE allowed in the name of innovation, UGC might reject as non-conforming.
Funding delays:
Institutions caught in the crossfire often lost out on timely grants and accreditations.
In short, the multi-regulator setup became less about quality assurance and more about bureaucratic endurance.
Fragmented quality control
While regulatory overlaps created confusion, quality control turned into a blindfolded relay race.
All of the three bodies—UGC, AICTE, and NCTE—ran their own accreditation show. They used different metrics, had separate assessor pools, and often reached conflicting conclusions about the same institution. There was:
No unified quality benchmark:
What counted as 'excellent' for UGC might be sub-par by AICTE standards.
Interdisciplinary blind spots:
A university with strong arts and tech programmes might ace UGC review but stumble with AICTE red tape.
Opaque student experience:
For learners navigating cross-disciplinary degrees, the regulatory alphabet soup offered little clarity and even less consistency.
At the heart of it, there was no single dashboard, no composite score, no common yardstick for institutional performance.
Inefficient governance and regulatory fatigue
Beyond structural flaws, each of the three regulators carried its own baggage.
UGC, burdened with both funding and monitoring powers, often found itself in a conflicted dual role—allocating grants while also policing quality. This raised perennial questions about fairness, favouritism, and political influence.
AICTE, though credited with standardising technical education, developed a reputation for rigidity and red tape. While industries moved toward emerging tech, AICTE's curriculum norms were often several updates behind.
NCTE, perhaps the weakest of the three, became infamous for its inability to curb the proliferation of dubious teacher training colleges, especially in smaller towns. The result: thousands of 'recognised' institutes with questionable teaching capacity and negligible placements.
What emerged was a governance model where no single body could be held fully accountable, and all three seemed to operate in parallel bureaucracies, rarely in sync, and often in conflict.
Enter HECI: What it promises to fix
U
nlike its predecessors, HECI isn't a one-department show. It's structured around four autonomous verticals, each focused on a distinct function.
NHERC: Regulation without redundancy
The National Higher Education Regulatory Council (NHERC) will be the front-facing gatekeeper—handling approvals, compliance, and the creation of academic norms. Its job is to bring clarity to the tangled web of regulations by becoming the single-window authority for all higher education institutions (except medical and legal). This means no more running from UGC to AICTE to NCTE for the same degree programme.
NAC: Accreditation that speaks one language
Accreditation duties will shift to the National Accreditation Council (NAC). Unlike today's fractured system where different bodies use different metrics, NAC is meant to apply a uniform, outcome-based framework for quality assurance. One council, one scale, one yardstick—for all institutions, regardless of discipline.
HEGC: Funding that rewards merit
The Higher Education Grants Council (HEGC) will take over funding responsibilities from UGC—but with a twist.
Instead of discretionary allocations and opaque grants, HEGC is expected to link funding to performance. Think academic outcomes, research impact, graduate employability—not just political connections or compliance checkboxes.
GEC: Curriculum that reflects the present
Lastly, the General Education Council (GEC) will steer the academic ship. It will define learning outcomes, curricular frameworks, and pedagogical standards across institutions.
Its aim is to modernise what's taught and how, making sure Indian students aren't studying for yesterday's job market.
What's the real pitch?
At its core, HECI is being sold as a regulatory reset—streamlined, centralised, and outcomes-driven, replacing clutter with clarity.
One regulator, less bureaucracy
Perhaps the biggest headline is administrative simplicity. HECI's integrated model means institutions will no longer bounce between three regulatory bodies.
Compliance processes are expected to be leaner, faster, and less redundant.
One standard, clearer quality
With NAC at the helm, the patchwork of quality assessments will be replaced with a single, transparent accreditation system. Students and parents may finally get a clear, comparable picture of institutional performance.
One body, more accountability
Instead of UGC blaming AICTE or NCTE washing its hands off quality lapses, HECI creates a unified command. With verticals working in tandem, there's less room for regulatory blame games and more space for system-wide accountability.
From control to outcomes
HECI is also being pitched as a philosophical shift—from an input-focused, micromanaging bureaucracy to an outcome-driven regulator. In theory, it will care more about results than rules, creating room for greater institutional autonomy.
Money follows merit
Under HEGC, public funding may finally move toward performance-linked models—rewarding institutions that innovate, publish, and place, rather than simply comply. The goal is to incentivise quality, not paperwork.
But HECI isn't a silver bullet: The risks and red flags
For all its ambition, HECI carries risks that policymakers cannot afford to ignore:
Excessive centralisation
Critics fear HECI could become a super-regulator with too much power concentrated at the Centre.
If not insulated from political influence, it could be used to enforce ideological conformity across campuses.
Loss of domain expertise
AICTE and NCTE, for all their flaws, brought specialised understanding of engineering and teacher education.
Merging everything under one roof may dilute this expertise unless HECI's verticals are empowered with expert teams.
Academic autonomy at risk
NEP 2020 advocates 'light but tight' regulation. But if HECI dictates curriculum frameworks, funding norms, and accreditation—all at once—autonomy could become a buzzword, not a reality.
Bureaucratic bottlenecks
A monolithic body may end up replicating the red tape of its predecessors.
Institutional grievances could get lost in the system if not backed by robust grievance redressal mechanisms.
So, will HECI deliver?
The idea of HECI, on its own, is not the problem. In fact, it reads like a long-overdue footnote to a history of regulatory disarray—one that spans decades of overlapping jurisdictions, incoherent policy mandates, and watchdogs too exhausted to bark. As a concept, it echoes earlier reformist impulses—from the National Knowledge Commission's call for consolidation to the Yash Pal Committee's plea for coherence—both of which gathered dust in government archives while institutional entropy thrived.
But as any student of policy will tell you, ideas don't govern—structures do, and structures are only as good as those who operate them. If executed with clarity, autonomy, and genuine insulation from political puppeteering, HECI could finally offer India what the UK has in the Office for Students, or Australia in TEQSA: a regulator that enforces standards without stifling thought, and funds institutions without measuring their worth in compliance checklists.
But done badly—and that's not a hypothetical in Indian policy history—it could become yet another monolith with a new acronym and the same old reflexes: delay, dilution, and disinterest in outcomes. New gatekeepers, same revolving doors.
As the draft bill inches closer to reality, the real question is not just what HECI abolishes, but what it institutionalises in its place. Because a unified regulator should never become a uniform regulator. And in a democracy that aspires to knowledge leadership, simplification must never come at the cost of dissent, complexity, or intellectual autonomy.
TOI Education is on WhatsApp now. Follow us
here
.
Ready to navigate global policies? Secure your overseas future. Get expert guidance now!
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Bengaluru man arrested in Glasgow for provocative outburst on EasyJet flight, creating panic: Report
Bengaluru man arrested in Glasgow for provocative outburst on EasyJet flight, creating panic: Report

Hindustan Times

time5 hours ago

  • Hindustan Times

Bengaluru man arrested in Glasgow for provocative outburst on EasyJet flight, creating panic: Report

A 41-year-old man originally from Bengaluru was apprehended in Glasgow after creating panic onboard an easyJet flight by loudly expressing hostility toward US President Donald Trump and chanting religious slogans, according to police officials. The man, identified as Abhay Devadas Nayak, reportedly suffers from a psychiatric condition. The Bengaluru man, suffering from schizophrenia, sparked fear among passengers. (Image for representation) (REUTERS) ALSO READ | Bengaluru resident questions city's liveability after 9 years: 'We're all just surviving' Authorities have contacted Nayak's family in southern Bengaluru, who explained that he has been diagnosed with schizophrenia. Nayak is from a business family with roots in the Honnavar area of Uttara Kannada, while his siblings are doctors working overseas, The Indian Express reported. His family stated that he has traveled extensively and that his passport was issued in Bengaluru. The incident occurred on an easyJet flight traveling from London Luton airport to Glasgow on July 27, when Nayak disrupted the flight by shouting provocative statements, including threats about bombs and exclamations such as 'Death to America, death to Trump,' and 'Allahu Akbar.' Videos circulated online captured Nayak standing up, shouting, and then being restrained by fellow passengers and crew. During the scuffle, Nayak claimed that he was protesting because Trump was in Scotland that day, hoping his actions would send a message. ALSO READ | L&T terminated Corridor-2, Corridor-4 contracts of suburban rail project illegally: K-RIDE During the ordeal, Nayak told passengers that he was a refugee in the UK without a passport, possessed residency documentation for Wales, and that his earlier bomb threat was false. An ATM card in his wallet revealing his first name helped confirm his identity, the report said. ALSO READ | Japanese man compares Bengaluru airport to a luxury hotel: 'Never seen anything like this before' Scotland police reported responding to the disturbance after the plane landed in Glasgow at around 8:20 am on July 27. Nayak was taken into custody upon landing and appeared in court the following day without entering a plea. Official sources in Karnataka suggest that Nayak could be returned to India without formal charges being pressed. Public records from India show Nayak established a business, Antrix Ventures, in Bengaluru in 2010 with a relative. UK authorities have charged him with violations of the Air Navigation Order for recklessly endangering the aircraft and those onboard.

Kerala govt, Governor set to begin talks for consensus on VC appointments
Kerala govt, Governor set to begin talks for consensus on VC appointments

New Indian Express

time5 hours ago

  • New Indian Express

Kerala govt, Governor set to begin talks for consensus on VC appointments

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: With the Supreme Court directing both the state government and the chancellor (Governor) to kick-start the process to appoint permanent vice-chancellors (VCs) in universities at the earliest, both sides are set to begin discussions to arrive at a consensus on the matter. Higher Education Minister R Bindu and Law Minister P Rajeeve are scheduled to meet Governor Rajendra Arlekar on Sunday at the directions of CM Pinarayi Vijayan. 'The government will try its best to resolve the deadlock,' Bindu told TNIE. As per highly placed sources, the constitution of search committees for selection of permanent VCs in a few universities will be taken up as a preliminary step. Of the 14 state universities, the Acts of seven varsities lay down that the chancellor shall constitute the search committee. However, the Acts of seven other universities are silent on who is the authority to constitute the panel. 'The second category mostly includes varsities that are newly established or under departments such as agriculture, fisheries, veterinary and health,' said a top source. 'The chancellor will allow the government to form search panel in such varsities to start the process. However, the Raj Bhavan will insist that the search committee be constituted as per UGC regulations,' the source added. As per the UGC regulations, the three-member panel will have nominees of the UGC chairman, the chancellor and the university syndicate. 'If the government agrees to this proposal, it would be an admission that the University Amendment Bill, that aims to alter the composition of search committees in its favour, is now a closed chapter. But there is no other choice as the President has withheld assent to the Bill,' said a government source. The preliminary steps by both parties will serve as a chance for either sides to demonstrate their intent in appointing permanent VCs through consensus. Universities where chancellor is authority to constitute search panel Kerala University MG University Calicut University Kannur University CUSAT Sanskrit University Digital University Universities where Act is silent on who should constitute search panel Kerala Agricultural University Malayalam University APJ Abdul Kalam Tech University Kerala University of Health Sciences Kerala Veterinary & Animal Sciences University Fisheries University Sreenarayana Guru Open University

Who's feeling the pain of Trump's tariffs?
Who's feeling the pain of Trump's tariffs?

Mint

time7 hours ago

  • Mint

Who's feeling the pain of Trump's tariffs?

In the bygone age that was 2024, America charged levies averaging just 2% on its imports of goods. In the new era of trade wars, it now has an 'effective' tariff of over 16%, the highest since the 1930s (see chart 1). (The Economist) Rates look set to go even higher. On July 31st President Donald Trump signed an executive order that significantly raises tariffs on most of America's trading partners, with the increases due to go into effect on August 7th. Duties on most products from the European Union and South Korea, which recently struck deals with America, will rise to 15%. India faces a tariff of 25%; South Africa, 30%; Canada, 35%. As we published this, Mr Trump seemed inclined to extend America's tariff truce with China. But that still leaves the world's second-largest economy facing levies of around 40% on sales to the world's largest. Who pays for these tariffs, in all their infinite variety? Most economists reckon that ordinary Americans will lose out, as prices in shops rise. Mr Trump and his coterie, by contrast, blithely insist that the rest of the world will shoulder the load by cutting their selling prices. So far, the evidence is giving the know-nothings a glimmer of hope. Mr Trump's critics in the economics profession have history and research on their side. Studies show that when a country imposes duties on its imports, its foreign suppliers often keep their prices roughly the same. The tariff is layered on top. So it was during the first Trump administration, which slapped tariffs on China and others. A study from 2019 found 'complete pass-through of the tariffs into domestic prices of imported goods'. Some foreign firms are taking a similar stance in response to Mr Trump's new levies. In April Ferrari added up to 10% to the price of its cars. Britain's Ineos said it would charge more for its Grenadier off-roader. Canon, a camera-maker, has warned dealers to brace for price increases. But the broader pattern is more benign. There is, for example, surprisingly little evidence so far of tariff 'pass-through' into inflation. In June America's 'core' consumer prices (ie, excluding food and energy) rose by 0.2% on the previous month, below the consensus estimate of 0.3%. Economists have found some evidence of tariff-induced price rises—in car parts, for instance—but they have had to look harder for it than they had expected. What explains these surprising results? American firms, not consumers, may be paying for the trade war by accepting lower profits, suggests research by Deutsche Bank. Some firms also boosted inventories before the tariffs were implemented, allowing them to avoid raising their prices for now. America's foreign suppliers may also be sharing more of the load than they did in Mr Trump's first term. Nintendo, a Japanese electronics firm, is keeping the American price of the Switch 2 games console at $449.99. Many Chinese manufacturers seem prepared to follow Nintendo and absorb duties: Fuling, a supplier of cutlery, says its clients expect it to shoulder 'part of the increased tariff costs'. TIRTIR, a South Korean beauty brand popular with American Gen Zers, has signalled that it can absorb most of the tariffs. Games Workshop, a British manufacturer of war games, also seems resigned to taking the hit, warning investors that tariffs could reduce annual profits by £12m ($16m). 'We found tentative evidence that Korean auto exporters are shouldering the cost of higher US tariffs, at least for now,' wrote Kim Jin-Wook of Citigroup, a bank, in a recent note. The Bank of Japan tracks the prices of the country's car exports to America. In yen terms, they have fallen by 26% in the past year. Some of that decline may reflect exchange-rate movements. An unchanged dollar price brings in fewer yen when the American currency is weak. But that only raises another question: why are Japan's carmakers not raising their dollar prices more vigorously in response? More comprehensive data point in a similar direction. The Economist assembled a series on export prices from a number of America's largest trading partners, including Canada, Germany and South Korea. In the past exporters in these countries have been perfectly willing to raise prices: during the inflationary surge of 2021-22, they increased them by more than 15% over a 12-month span (see chart 2). Yet in the past year the average local-currency price of their exports has fallen by 3.6%. Nothing of the sort happened during Mr Trump's first trade war. (The Economist) Some economists have noted a disconnect between what foreigners report and what American importers say they are paying. For instance, it is hard to find much evidence of plunging prices for Japanese car imports. Economists at Citi speculate that the time it takes to ship a foreign product to an American port may explain the puzzle. It 'implies a lag between falling export prices and when US import-price data would capture the decline', they say. Why might foreign suppliers be so forgiving? Some bosses worry more than before about the American consumer. With high inflation a recent memory, people already think that everything is too expensive. They have little tolerance for paying even higher prices. The opposite may be true of the foreign companies themselves. They are in a good financial position to withstand the tariffs. Aggregate margins of listed companies in emerging markets have become fatter over the past decade, increasing by over two percentage points. European firms have enjoyed similar gains. These companies can afford to take a small hit to profits, at least for now. Before long America's economy is likely to feel the pain of the trade war more acutely. Although some Chinese firms may have lowered their prices, these cuts are not nearly deep enough to offset the huge rise in tariffs they now face, points out Deutsche Bank's research. In addition, foreign companies that have borne the costs until now may not be able to bear them for ever—especially if tariff rates keep ratcheting up. The president loves defying his adversaries, in the economics profession and beyond. But he is always his own worst enemy. © 2025, The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved. From The Economist, published under licence. The original content can be found on Disclaimer: © 2025, The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved. From The Economist, published under licence. The original content can be found on

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store