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Gabe Evans during a campaign stop in Greeley, Colo., in October. He wound up winning his seat by less than one percentage point.
Representative Gabe Evans, Republican of Colorado, secured his ticket to Washington in November when he defeated a Democratic member of Congress by less than 1 percentage point — just 2,449 votes.
Now Mr. Evans, 39, is helping to write legislation that could cement his own ticket back home.
The first-term congressman, whose swing district just north of Denver includes 151,749 Medicaid recipients, sits on the Energy and Commerce Committee. The Republican budget resolution that lays the groundwork for sweeping legislation to enact President Trump's domestic agenda instructs the panel, which has jurisdiction over Medicaid, to slash spending by $880 billion over the next decade to help pay for a large tax cut. That number is impossible to reach without substantially reducing the cost of Medicaid, the government program that provides health insurance for lower-income Americans.
As Republicans in Congress struggle to coalesce around the core pieces of what Mr. Trump calls his 'one big, beautiful bill,' Mr. Evans and other G.O.P. lawmakers from some of the most competitive districts in the country are facing committee votes next week to approve cuts to popular programs that could come back to haunt them politically.
And Democrats are gleeful at the prospect of Republican incumbents going on the record supporting the effort.
'These members of Congress won with fewer votes than the number of people in their district on Medicaid,' said Jesse Ferguson, a veteran Democratic strategist and a former spokesman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. 'Voting for this is like being the captain of the Titanic and deciding to intentionally hit the iceberg.'
The group includes Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks, Republican of Iowa, who also sits on the Energy and Commerce Committee and is on even shakier ground than Mr. Evans, despite having warded off a challenger multiple times. Last year, Ms. Miller-Meeks, who represents 132,148 Medicaid recipients, won her seat by 0.2 percent, or 799 votes. Her local office in Davenport has been besieged by demonstrators concerned about spending cuts.
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Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks's office in Davenport, Iowa, has been besieged by demonstrators concerned about spending cuts.
Credit...
Haiyun Jiang for The New York Times
Also on the panel is Representative Thomas H. Kean Jr., a Republican from a highly competitive district in New Jersey.
On the Agriculture Committee, which must find $230 billion in cuts over a decade, Republicans are feuding over how much to slash from federal food assistance programs, with those from competitive seats wary of reductions that could hit their constituents. That panel also includes some of the most endangered Republicans in the House: Representatives Rob Bresnahan Jr., a first-term Republican from Pennsylvania; Don Bacon of Nebraska; Zach Nunn of Iowa; and Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin.
Both committees are expected to meet next week to work on and finalize their bills, although that could change if Republicans fail to reach agreement on what cuts should be included. The panels had been slated to meet this week, but pushed off the meetings amid lingering disagreements.
'Many of them have been talking in private to their leadership, telling them that this is a really tough vote for them,' Representative Angie Craig of Minnesota, the ranking Democrat on the Agriculture Committee, said of Republicans.
Adding to their dilemma, Mr. Trump has said he does not want to 'touch' Medicaid, and some far-right thought leaders are blaring alarms about cutting the program.
'Medicaid — you got to be careful, because a lot of MAGA's on Medicaid,' Stephen K. Bannon, the former adviser to Mr. Trump, said recently on his 'War Room' podcast. More than 60 percent of Trump voters said Medicaid was 'very important' to their communities, according to a recent KFF poll.
As the G.O.P. struggles to cobble together legislation that can please its right flank, which is demanding deep cuts, without alienating moderates who oppose them, many vulnerable lawmakers fear that they are setting themselves up to take a tough vote on something that may never become law.
Representative Nick LaLota, a New York Republican who opposes Medicaid cuts, said he and his colleagues had no interest in going through the difficult process of writing and voting for a bill that ultimately could not pass the Senate, which has embraced a fraction of the spending cuts the House has.
'We're not looking to float a trial balloon,' Mr. LaLota said in an interview. 'We only want to vote for something that's real, that's passable by the Senate and that the president will sign.'
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Speaker Mike Johnson was forced this week to drop one of the most aggressive options Republicans were considering to cut Medicaid costs.
Credit...
Haiyun Jiang for The New York Times
Such concerns are one reason that Speaker Mike Johnson was forced this week to drop one of the most aggressive options the G.O.P. was considering to cut Medicaid costs: lowering what the federal government pays states to care for working-age adults who became eligible for the program through the Affordable Care Act's Medicaid expansion.
Privately, many Republicans on Capitol Hill said they expected the House to miss its self-imposed Memorial Day deadline to write and pass the bill, and eventually settle on a Senate-approved package of tax cuts that includes no major changes to Medicaid, food assistance or any other popular program. Such an outcome would enrage fiscal conservatives on the hard right, who are demanding that the package not add to the deficit and who could bring down the whole package if they refused to go along.
Some vulnerable Republicans who oppose cutting Medicaid said they were still hoping to find other ways to reduce the program's costs, such as imposing work requirements and tightening rules to ensure that undocumented immigrants, who are barred by law from the program, cannot receive any of its services. And they note that there are other proposals to raise the federal revenue needed to offset tax cuts.
'There are ways to cut the Energy and Commerce budget which aren't just health care,' Mr. LaLota said. 'I'm not so fatalistic that it's a tough vote.'
But cleaning up Medicaid fraud and tightening rules generate far less money than what the Republican plan requires. And the Congressional Budget Office on Wednesday wrote that after estimating the budget impact of four different options for cutting Medicaid, all of them would have the same overall result: 'enrollment would decrease and the number of people without health insurance would increase.'
Democrats have for weeks been working to capitalize on the potential impact of the cuts.
They targeted vulnerable Republicans with billboards in their districts accusing them of voting to cut Medicaid in order to give billionaires like Elon Musk a tax cut. The National Republican Campaign Committee issued a cease-and-desist letter threatening the companies displaying the billboards with defamation lawsuits if they were not removed. The companies bowed to the threats, a move that Republicans have said proves the charges of Medicaid cuts were wrong by t.
'All national Democrats have are pathetic lies and fear-mongering tactics to distract from their failures,' a spokesman for the committee, Mike Marinella, said in a statement.
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Representative Rob Bresnahan Jr., a first-term Republican from Pennsylvania, campaigning last year.
Credit...
Eric Lee/The New York Times
Mr. Evans, for his part, has been trying to thread the needle by criticizing the way his state administers Medicaid, charging that it has paid millions of dollars to deceased people and undocumented immigrants.
'The overall goal is to be able to protect the program by cutting out the fraud, waste and abuse,' he told a Colorado public radio station last month. He declined to comment for this article.
Ms. Craig said her hope was that some center-leaning Republicans would stand up to their leaders and simply draw a red line on any cuts to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program or Medicaid.
'The real question is whether the moderates on my committee are really going to take this to the mat and fight these cuts or if they're going to cave,' Ms. Craig said.
For newcomers to Congress like Mr. Evans and Mr. Bresnahan, the situation has echoes of the difficult position that Representative Marjorie Mezvinsky, a one-term Democratic congresswoman from Pennsylvania, faced in 1993 when she voted for President Bill Clinton's budget after originally opposing it because it did not include enough spending cuts.
As she cast the deciding vote, Republicans knew they were witnessing a political death.
On the House floor, they chanted, 'Goodbye, Marjorie!'
She was defeated the following year.
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Associated Press
18 minutes ago
- Associated Press
Will visa delays and border fears keep international fans away from the Club World Cup in the US?
As the United States readies for the FIFA Club World Cup, concern over such things as international travel, fan safety and even economic uncertainty threaten to diminish enthusiasm for the tournament. The United States will see the arrival of 32 professional club teams from around the globe to 11 cities for the tournament. There's a $1 billion prize pool. The Club World Cup is considered in many ways to be a dress rehearsal for the big event, the 2026 World Cup to be hosted by the United States, Canada and Mexico. But there seems to be little buzz for the Club World Cup at home or abroad. The expansion of the field from seven to 32 teams has diminished the exclusivity of the event, and ticket sales appear slow. At the same time, the tournament is being played amid reports of foreign tourists being detained and visa processing delays. Chaotic U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement activities and President Donald Trump's travel bans aren't exactly reassuring international fans, either. Wary travelers, visa woes Trump's policies appear to have already impacted travelers. The National Travel and Tourism Office released data showing visitors to the U.S. from foreign countries fell 9.7% in March compared to the same month last year. The travel forecasting company Tourism Economics has predicted that international arrivals would decline 9.4% this year. The U.S. Travel Association, a nonprofit group that represents the travel industry, has urged the Trump administration to improve such things as visa processing and customs wait times ahead of a series of big sporting events on U.S. soil, including the Club World Cup beginning June 14, the Ryder Cup later this year, next summer's World Cup, and the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics. Association President Geoff Freeman said, for example, that the wait in Colombia for a visa interview appointment is upwards of 18 months — already putting the 2026 World Cup out of reach for some travelers. He said his organization is working with the White House's World Cup Task Force to address issues. 'They (the task force) recognize how important this event is: success is the only option. So we're eager to work with them to do whatever it is we need to do to ensure that we can welcome the millions of incremental visitors that we think are possible,' Freeman said. 'But these underlying issues of visa and customs, we've got to address.' Secretary of State Marco Rubio, speaking at a House Committee on Foreign Affairs hearing last month, suggested consular staff could be put on longer shifts and that artificial intelligence could be used to process visas. 'We want it to be a success. It's a priority for the president,' said Rubio. But the Trump administration may have added to the concerns for international visitors by issuing a ban on travelers from 12 countries, with restrictions on travel from nine more countries. Iran, one of the countries named, has qualified for the World Cup. The proclamation included an exemption for 'any athlete or member of an athletic team, including coaches, persons performing a necessary support role, and immediate relatives, traveling for the World Cup, Olympics, or other major sporting event as determined by the secretary of state.' It did not mention fans. Fan fears There are signs current immigration policies were already impacting soccer fans and spurring worries over safety. A Latin American supporters group in Nashville stayed away from a recent Major League Soccer game because of ICE activity in the city. The city's Geodis Park is set to host three Club World Cup matches. Danny Navarro, who offers travel advice to followers on his social media platforms under the moniker TravelFutbolFan, said the World Cup Task Force announcement did not allay fears about travel, especially when Vice President JD Vance said, 'We want them to come. We want them to celebrate. We want them to watch the game. But when the time is up, they'll have to go home. Otherwise, they'll have to talk to (Homeland Security) Secretary (Kristi) Noem.' That insinuated fans visiting the United States for the World Cup could use it to stay in the country, which is nonsensical, Navarro maintained. For many countries, fans traveling to the World Cup — an expensive travel plan with hiked flight and hotel prices — are broadly viewed as higher-spending and lower-risk for host nation security planning. Navarro put the onus on FIFA. 'They must know that there is an anxiety among international travelers wanting to come in. They must know there's an anxiety among the U.S. fan base that is multicultural and wanting to go to all these places. Are they going to? Are they going to be harassed by ICE?' Navarro said. 'There is just a lot of uncertainty, I would say, too much uncertainty, that the fan base doesn't want to think about.' If you build it, will they come? It remains to be seen how outside factors will ultimately impact the Club World Cup, which is not the global spectacle or draw that the World Cup is. Ticket sales, which were based on a dynamic pricing model, appear to be slow, with lowered prices from earlier this year and a slew of recent promotions. For a match between Paris Saint-Germain and Botafogo at the Rose Bowl on June 19, there were wide swaths of available seats going for $33.45. FIFA created an incentive program that says fans who buy two or more tickets to the Club World Cup 'may' be guaranteed the right to purchase one ticket to the World Cup next summer. Navarro said economic uncertainty and fears of inflation may make fans hesitant to spend their money on the Club World Cup — when the more desirable World Cup is looming. In some host cities, there's little sign the Club World Cup is happening. A light rail station in Seattle had a lone sign advertising the event. The Seattle Sounders are among the teams playing in the tournament. Hans Hobson, executive director of the Tennessee State Soccer Association, suggested part of the problem is that, unlike the national teams that play in the World Cup, some of the club teams playing in Nashville are just not known to U.S. fans. 'It's not leagues that they watch. If it was the Premier League or the Bundesliga or something like that, then they'd go, 'Oh, I know players there. Let's go check it out,' Hobson said. There were tickets available to LAFC's match against Esperance Sportive de Tunisie in Nashville on June 20 for $24.45. FIFA President Gianni Infantino has traveled to several host cities to gin up enthusiasm. He has promised 'the world will be welcomed.' But some say the United States isn't exactly rolling out the red carpet for visitors in the current climate. 'I could see trepidation for anyone looking to travel to the U.S. at this current political climate,' said Canadian national team coach Jesse Marsch. 'So it's a sad thing, I think, that we have to talk about visiting the U.S. in this way but I think everybody has to make decisions that are best for them and that fit best with what's going on in their life and their lifestyle.' ___ AP Sports Writer Teresa Walker contributed to this report ___ AP soccer:


CNN
20 minutes ago
- CNN
Analysis: The Musk blowup reveals how Trump is remaking the presidency
Through a panoramic series of actions, President Donald Trump is transforming the federal government into a vast machine for rewarding his allies and punishing those he considers his adversaries. Trump is using executive orders, federal investigations and regulatory decisions to deploy federal power against a stunning array of targets, ranging from powerful institutions such as Harvard and Columbia universities and major law firms to individual critics from his first term and former President Joe Biden's top White House aides. Simultaneously, Trump is rewarding allies with presidential pardons, commutations, government contracts and the termination of federal regulatory or criminal investigations. The explosive breakup with Elon Musk has provided the most vivid demonstration yet of Trump's transactional view of the presidency. When Musk was Trump's most prominent political ally and benefactor, the White House brushed off complaints about the potential for conflicts of interest as the tech billionaire's companies competed for billions in government contacts. Then, when the two men fell out last week, Trump immediately threatened to terminate the contracts for Musk's companies. Trump struck a similar note on Saturday, telling NBC's Kristen Welker that if Musk began to fund Democratic campaigns in protest of the president's sweeping policy bill, 'He'll have to pay very serious consequences.' The extraordinary episode underscored how quickly anyone can move from Trump ally to adversary by opposing or questioning him in any way — and how dire the consequences can be for crossing that line. In his almost instinctive reaction to threaten Musk's contracts — even if it would be difficult to do in practice — Trump signaled unambiguously that staying in his favor would be the difference between favorable decisions by his administration and costly confrontations with it. The president sees little boundary between public policy by the federal government and personal fealty to him. 'Never before in this country has a president made so clear that mere disagreement with him or failure to show sufficient personal loyalty might cause that person to lose government contracts or even face investigation,' said Ian Bassin, co-founder and executive director of Protect Democracy, a nonpartisan group that analyzes threats to US democracy. 'That's how things work in Russia, and apparently, under Donald Trump, now here.' Until Trump, historians considered Richard Nixon the president who pushed hardest to bend federal legal authority into a lever to advance his personal and political interests — a process that culminated in the Watergate scandal and the disclosure of the infamous White House 'enemies list.' But while Nixon fulminated against his opponents in private, he never subjected them to anything approaching the bombardment of hostile federal actions that Trump has directed at his targets. 'You see very similar personality traits in the men, about how they feel about people and what they want to do about them,' said John Dean, who served as Nixon's White House counsel during Watergate and later revealed the existence of the enemies list. But, Dean added, whereas Nixon would often lose sight of his threats or back off when faced with resistance inside or outside his administration, Trump and his aides are moving to draft virtually every component of the federal government into this mission. 'Everything with Nixon is more or less a one-off,' Dean said, 'whereas with Trump it is a way of life.' The effect is that, with much less pushback than Nixon faced, Trump is now moving far faster and further toward reconfiguring the federal government's sweeping authority into an extension of his personal will. 'We are so far beyond Nixon's inclinations and disposition to employ the government to attack perceived enemies and perceived political adversaries,' Dean said, 'that it is the difference between spitballs and howitzers.' Almost daily, Trump is acting in new ways to deploy federal power in precision-focused attacks on individuals and institutions who have crossed or resisted him. He has revoked federal security clearances from an array of former officials (including Hillary Clinton, Kamala Harris, and Republican former Reps. Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger) and terminated federal security protection for others. He's withdrawn security clearances from and directed his administration to investigate two critics from his first term, Miles Taylor and Chris Krebs. Last week, Trump ordered a federal investigation into the right-wing conspiracy theory that aides to then-President Biden misused his autopen to implement decisions without his knowledge. Trump has ordered the Justice Department to investigate Democrats' principal grassroots fundraising tool, ActBlue. Large institutions Trump considers hostile have faced comparable threats. He's signed executive orders imposing crippling penalties on several large law firms that have either represented causes or employed attorneys Trump dislikes. Trump has canceled billions of dollars in scientific research grants to prominent universities and escalated that offensive with a dizzying array of other measures against Harvard, including attempting to revoke its ability to enroll foreign students and publicly declaring that the Internal Revenue Service intends to revoke its tax-exempt status: The New York Times recently calculated that Harvard is now facing at least eight separate investigations from six federal agencies. The Federal Communications Commission is investigating '60 Minutes' over its editing of an interview with then-Vice President Kamala Harris, probing charges that television networks have engaged in 'news distortion,' and scrutinizing the proposed merger with Skydance Media that is being ardently pursued by CBS' parent, Paramount, and its controlling stockholder Shari Redstone. Trump's administration has arrested a judge in Wisconsin and US representative in New Jersey who have resisted his immigration agenda. While pursuing these penalties for critics, Trump has conspicuously rewarded allies. His Justice Department dropped federal corruption charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams, who has pledged to support Trump's immigration crackdown, and regulators have terminated high-profile enforcement actions against the crypto industry even as his family's financial ties to the industry have mushroomed. Trump has also issued a flurry of early second-term pardons targeted at his supporters, beginning with the mass pardon of January 6, 2021, rioters and extending to a growing list of Republican and conservative public officials. Legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin, author of 'The Pardon,' a recent history of how presidents have used that power, said Trump's actions have no precedent. 'It's not even close,' Toobin said. 'I can't even think of even a parallel.' Taken together, these actions signal something like a mafia-style protection racket, Bassin argued. For those who meet the administration's demands, Bassin said, Trump is offering protection from federal interference, and for those who resist his demands, he's brandishing the opposite. The speed at which Trump flipped from praising to threatening Musk and his companies, Bassin added, 'is a perfect example' of how no one is safe from falling from one side of that line to the other — which allows Trump always to preserve the option of raising the price of protection with new demands. It's a method of operation, Bassin argued, that would be equally recognizable to Russian President Vladimir Putin or mobster John Gotti. Nixon unquestionably wanted to sharpen federal law and regulatory enforcement into the cudgel Trump is forging. Behind closed doors in the Oval Office, Nixon often bombarded his aides with demands to punish those he viewed as his political enemies. 'We have all this power, and we aren't using it,' Nixon exploded to his chief of staff, H.R. Haldeman, in one August 1972 meeting captured by the White House taping system. At times, Nixon succeeded in channeling that power against his targets. He successfully pressed the Justice Department to intensify an investigation into kickbacks and illegal campaign contributions swirling around Alabama Gov. George Wallace. The administration tried for years to deport John Lennon (over a British conviction for possession of a half-ounce of marijuana) after Republican Sen. Strom Thurmond sent a letter to the Justice Department warning that the former Beatle might headline a series of concerts intended to mobilize young voters against Nixon's reelection. A team of White House operatives — known informally as 'the plumbers' because they were supposed to stop leaks to the press — undertook a succession of shady missions, culminating in the break-in to the Democratic National Committee offices in the Watergate building that eventually led to Nixon's resignation. Chuck Colson, one of Nixon's most hardcore aides, tried to pressure both CBS and The Washington Post over their coverage of the administration by threatening FCC action to revoke the licenses of local television stations they owned. Colson and Nixon openly strategized about holding open the threat of a federal antitrust investigation to pressure the three television networks. According to research by Mark Feldstein, a professor of broadcast journalism at the University of Maryland, the plumbers even fleetingly discussed ways to assassinate investigative journalist Jack Anderson before they were diverted to a more urgent project — the Watergate break-in. In his obsessive hunt for leaks, Nixon illegally wiretapped the phones of both journalists and his own National Security Council aides. All these resentments converged in the development of what became known as the enemies list. The White House actually compiled multiple overlapping lists, all fueled by Nixon's fury at his opponents, real and imagined. 'It clearly originated with Nixon's disposition, anger, reaction to things he would see in his news summary in the morning,' said Dean. In an August 16, 1971, memo — titled 'Dealing with our Political Enemies' — Dean succinctly explained that the list's intent was to find all the ways 'we can use the available federal machinery to screw our political enemies.' Dean told me he wrote the memo in such stark terms because he thought it would discourage the White House. 'I actually wrote that memo that way thinking I would make this so offensive … that they would just say, 'This is silly, we don't do this kind of stuff,'' he said. 'I never got a response to that directly, but when I went to the (National) Archives decades later, (I saw) Haldeman had written 'great' on the memo with an exclamation point.' In fact, though, enthusiasm in the White House did not translate into action at the agencies. On the advice of Treasury Secretary George Shultz, the IRS commissioner put the list in his safe and ignored the White House request that he audit the people on it. Subsequent investigations found no evidence that those on the enemies list faced excessive scrutiny from the IRS or other government harassment. Once Dean revealed the list's existence during the 1973 hearings of the Senate Watergate Committee, inclusion on it became 'something for people to celebrate,' he recalled. 'I have actually spoken to (reunions of) a couple groups of members, people who have been on the list, because they had no consequences other than a badge of honor.' That was a common outcome for Nixon's rages. The Justice Department eventually dropped the case against Wallace. The courts blocked Lennon's removal. The Washington Post did not lose licenses for any of stations, said Feldstein, author of 'Poisoning the Press,' a book about Nixon's relationship with the media. 'Trump is doing what Nixon would have liked to have done,' Feldstein said. 'Even Nixon didn't take it as far.' The differences between Nixon and Trump in their approach to federal enforcement and investigative power extends to their core motivations. Nixon, as Dean and other close observers of his presidency agree, wanted to retaliate against individuals or institutions he thought opposed or looked down on him. Trump certainly shares that inclination. But Trump's agenda, many scholars of democratic erosion believe, pushes beyond personal animus to mimic the efforts in authoritarian-leaning countries such as Turkey and Hungary to weaken any independent institutions that might contest his centralization of power. 'Although some of it was (motivated by) revenge, the huge difference here is most of what Nixon did was to protect himself, politically and personally,' said Fred Wertheimer, who served as legislative director of the government reform group Common Cause during the Watergate scandal. 'Trump is out to break our democracy and take total control of the country in a way that no one ever has before.' One telling measure of that difference: Trump is openly making threats, or taking actions, that Nixon only discussed in private, and even there with constant concern about public disclosure. Trump's willingness to publicly deliver these threats changes their nature in several important ways, said David Dorsen, an assistant chief counsel for the Senate Watergate Committee and former federal prosecutor. Simply exposing an individual or institution to such an open threat from the world's most powerful person, Dorsen noted, can enormously disrupt their life, even if the courts ultimately prevent Trump from acting on it — a point recently underscored by Miles Taylor in an essay for Politico. And because Nixon's threats were always delivered in private, Dorsen added, aides dubious of them could ignore them more easily than Trump officials faced with his public demands for action. Maybe most important, Dorsen said, is that by making his threats so publicly, Trump is sending a shot across the bow of every other institution that might cross him. 'Trump is legitimizing conduct that Nixon did not purport to legitimize,' Dorsen said. 'He concealed it, he was probably embarrassed by it; he realized it was wrong.' As the IRS pushback against the enemies list demonstrated, Nixon's plans faced constant resistance within his own government, not only from career bureaucrats but often also from his own appointees. 'He failed in getting key officials in the government to do what he wanted,' said Wertheimer, who now directs the reform group Democracy 21. If that kind of internal stonewalling is slowing Trump's sweeping offensives against his targets, there's little evidence of it yet. Congress was another constraint on Nixon. Not only did the administration need to fear oversight hearings from the Democrats who controlled both the House and Senate, but at that point a substantial portion of congressional Republicans were unwilling to blink at abusive actions. Ultimately it was a delegation of Republican senators, led by conservative icon and former GOP presidential candidate Barry Goldwater, who convinced Nixon to resign during Watergate. By contrast, Trump today is operating with 'a completely compliant Republican Congress' and has filled the federal government, including its key law enforcement positions, with loyalist appointees who 'operate as if they are there to carry out his wishes, period,' said Wertheimer. As Feldstein pointed out, Trump also can worry less about critical press coverage than Nixon, who governed at a time when 'there were just three networks and everybody watched those.' That leaves the courts as the principal short-term obstacle to Trump's plans. In Nixon's time, the federal courts consistently acted across party lines to uphold limits on the arbitrary exercise of federal power. Three of Nixon's own appointees joined the unanimous 1974 Supreme Court decision that sealed his fate by requiring him to provide Congress his White House tapes. John Sirica, the steely federal district judge who helped crack the scandal, was appointed by Republican President Dwight Eisenhower. Today, federal district and appellate courts are mostly demonstrating similar independence. The New York Times' running tally counts nearly 190 rulings from judges in both parties blocking Trump actions since he returned to office. 'I think we've seen the largest overreach in modern presidential history … and as a result, you've triggered a massive judicial pushback,' said Norm Eisen, co-founder and executive chair of the Democracy Defenders Fund, a group fighting many of Trump's initiatives in courts. 'I won't say democracy has won so far, because of the damage that Trump and his ilk have done, but I will say Trump lost.' But even if courts block individual Trump tactics, the effort required to rebuff his actions still can impose a heavy cost on his targets. And, on the most important cases, these lower court legal rulings are still subject to reconsideration by the Supreme Court — whose six- member Republican-appointed majority has historically supported an expansive view of presidential power and last year voted to immunize Trump against criminal prosecution for virtually any actions he takes in office. So far, the Supreme Court has sent mixed signals by ruling to restrain Trump on some fronts while empowering him on others. 'We haven't found out yet what the Supreme Court is going to do when … they get the really big cases,' said Wertheimer. Those decisions in the next few years will likely determine whether Trump can fulfill the darkest impulses of Richard Nixon, the only president ever forced to resign for his actions in office.

Wall Street Journal
25 minutes ago
- Wall Street Journal
Moody's Chief Economist on Politics, Inflation and Immigration
This weekly video podcast series brings you the insights and analysis you need to get a leg up on the world of money and investing. WSJ's Take On the Week cuts through the noise and dives into markets, the economy and finance.