
India won't have got independence if Bengal wasn't there, says CM Mamata Banerjee; calls for unity in diversity
Banerjee said that Bengal is the beacon of hope, which stands for unity amid diversity.
"If Bengal was not there, India would not have got Independence. Bengal's soil has produced eminent people like Rabindranath Tagore, Nazrul Islam and Subhas Chandra Bose. The national anthem, the national song and the 'Jai Hind' slogan are all creations of Bengalis," she said while speaking at a function marking the 'Kanyashree' scheme's 12th anniversary.
Her remarks came against the backdrop of her party, Trinamool Congress's campaign that is themed on Bengali 'asmita' (pride). TMC has alleged "language terror" on migrant workers from West Bengal in BJP-governed states.
'70% were Bengalis'
'You will find that almost 70 per cent of inmates of the Cellular Jail (in Port Blair) were Bengalis. Freedom fighters from Punjab came second,' she was quoted as saying by news agency PTI.
"Tomorrow is Independence Day. I urge all to discard narrow-mindedness and divisive thoughts. Bengal stands for harmony and unity amongst diversity. We are strong and united," she told the schoolgirls present in the programme," she told the school girls present at the event.
The Bengal CM said that those who had entered India after the Partition are all citizens of the country.
"Only yesterday, I read about a father accompanying his son to a sporting event was not allowed accommodation at a hotel in Noida for speaking in Bengali. If we can honour your languages, why can't you respect ours?" she asked.
She criticised the Centre for "curbing scholarships in higher education" and highlighted that there is a "deprivation" of funds for Bengal.
"The UGC has nearly stopped funding research activities. The state government is now sponsoring those academic endeavours," Banerjee claimed.
While there is a need to learn many languages, including English, she said, one should not forget the mother tongue. "The sweetness of Bengali is all-pervading," she added.
Additionally, Banerjee said that so far, 93 lakh students have benefitted from the 'Kanyashree' scheme, which is aimed at preventing child marriages. She assured that the number would surpass one crore next year.
She said that her government has spent ₹17,000 crore for implementing the scheme, which has also received the United Nations' recognition.
"Due to Kanyashree, dropout rates at the primary, secondary and higher secondary levels have dropped. Dropout rates at the primary level are zero," she added.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hindustan Times
19 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
P Vasu: He fought for freedom, and against Emergency
P Vasu might be 102 but still moves about his house in Cheruvannur in Kerala's Kozhikode district with the help of a walker, reads at least two newspapers a day, and watches television news with great intent, trying to keep himself informed of what's happening in the country. P Vasu: He fought for freedom, and against Emergency Born in January 1923, Vasu got a whiff of nationalistic sentiments early when his father took him to hear Mahatma Gandhi when the latter visited Kozhikode in 1934. He was just 11 then, but by the time he was in his late-teens in 1942, Vasu found himself leading an agitation by the Congress in his native Cheruvannur on the sidelines of the Quit India movement. That year, he was arrested and sentenced by a judge to three-and-a-half months in jail , where he was tortured. In 1943, Vasu had to go underground in erstwhile Madras for over nine months after the police attempted to put him in preventive custody in connection with a case of a bomb threat on Farook bridge. 'I had nothing to do with it but because I was jailed previously, my name was on the police list and I had to go into hiding. It was an extremely tough period,' Vasu told HT over phone. After Independence, Vasu joined the socialist party and was given its membership by stalwart Jayaprakash Narayan in Kozhikode. His strong beliefs in socialist ideals earned him the nickname among locals -- 'Socio Vasu'. In 1951, the then Madras presidency, under which the Malabar region in Kerala fell at the time, offered 10 acres of land in Wayanad and ₹2,000 to several freedom fighters including Vasu. But he refused to accept. 'Jayaprakash Narayan told us that we fought for the country's freedom, not for financial gains. Accepting it would have gone against my socialist ideals,' said Vasu. In 1975 during the Emergency, Vasu was beaten by the police for picketing the local post office. He spent 23 days at the Kozhikode Medical College hospital for treatment. In 1997, on the 50th anniversary of independence, Vasu was felicitated in Delhi by then President KR Narayanan. Is he happy about the present state of the country? 'No,' came the reply. 'It is not the India we envisioned in 1947. We are losing our secular ideals,' he said.


Hindustan Times
19 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
HT Archive: Despite big economic gains, many gaps remain
In a memorable speech delivered to the Constituent Assembly on the eve of Independence on August 14, 1947, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru outlined the country's basic, social and economic objectives as follows: The future is not one of case or resting but of incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity. Jawaharlal Nehru during the flag hoisting ceremony at Red Fort, Delhi (HT Photo) The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our task will not be over. We must recognise that the task is far from being over. Our country has made impressive all-round progress since Independence. We can take legitimate pride in the fact that this progress has been sustained in the framework of a democratic polity and an open society deeply committed to fundamental human freedoms and the rule of law. Our economic structure has been considerably diversified. We have now a vast reservoir of scientific, technological and managerial skills. There has been a significant improvement in the nation's educational and health status as measured by school enrolment, literacy rate and life expectancy at birth. Nevertheless, we have to face the reality that the overall pace of social and economic development has fallen short of the aspirations of our people and the objective potential of our economy. Our long-term rate of economic growth compares unfavourably with China as well as many other countries of East and South East Asia. The employment opportunities have not grown fast enough to absorb both the new entrants to our growing labour force and the backlog of previous unemployment. As a result, there is an increasing feeling of unrest and even of alienation among a section of our youth. The overall pace and pattern of industrial growth has not led to a significant reduction in the proportion of people dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. Since agriculture's share in our national income has fallen from nearly 50% in the early fifties to less than 34% in the late eighties, the income gap between rural and urban India is now much wider than at the time of Independence. Extreme poverty and affluence walk side by side. The growing degradation of India's land and water resources now threatens the livelihood of millions of small and marginal farmers who live on the edge of subsistence. For many of them life remains marginal at best. Self-reliance has been a basic objective of planning in India since the early 1960s. Yet until recently, the country had to face a chronic shortage of foreign exchange. Our exports in the 1980s financed only about 60% of our imports and the country has had to depend heavily on such artificial props as concessional aid equal to 2-3% of our national income year after year. India was probably the first developing country to launch an official family planning programme. However, its impact on the rate of growth of population has been rather modest. These harsh realities are now well known. And it was this recognition which led to a considerable amount of rethinking in the 1980s about our basic economic strategies. The grave economic crisis of 1991-92 accelerated this process of rethinking and far-reaching changes have been made in our economic policies during the last six years so as to align them with contemporary realities. Despite many controversies associated with these changes, it is now generally recognised that the initial results on the whole have been very positive. The country was able to overcome the crisis of 1991-92 with the least possible damage to the underlying rhythm of the growth process and without any major social upheavals as witnessed elsewhere in the developing world. Indeed, a basis has been laid for a sustained improvement in the country's development prospects. However, that task is still unfinished. Fortunately, six years of intense national debate and the actual performance of the economy since the introduction of reforms in 1991-92 have now produced a broad national consensus about the basic design of our economic policies. It is now agreed that the fiscal systems both at the Centre and the States need major restructuring. But there must also be an explicit recognition that an effective agenda of economic reforms can succeed only if backed up by credible political reforms to modernise the apparatus of the Indian State at all levels. India needs a significant set up in savings and investment rates, and in particular in the rate of public savings, if it aspires to compete with East Asia and South East Asia in the race for economic development. Yet, the pressures of competitive populism are now so strong that very few politicians have the courage to cut subsidies, to curb wasteful spending or to adopt credible measures to deal with the chronic sickness and low productivity of a large number of public enterprises both at the Centre and the states. There is unwillingness to face the harsh reality that if tax cuts (essential though they may be in some cases) and rising subsidies were all that was needed for development, there would hardly be any poor country left in the world. The problem is further compounded by widespread deterioration of standards of public administration leading to large scale leakages of funds meant to promote development. Frequent changes in postings and transfers are increasingly being used to make civil servants a subservient tool in the hands of politicians. Lack of transparency in public sector bidding and contracting procedures is giving rise to arbitrary use of power and corruption. Although we have a country which takes pride in being governed by the rule of law, weak law enforcement and inordinate delays in the settlement of legal disputes often make a mockery of such claims. Citizens are often helpless silent victims of an apathetic and indifferent administration. What is all the more distressing is that Parliament and state legislatures find very little time to deal systematically with the growing erosion of both efficiency and integrity in our system of public administration. Sustained and people centred development is not like going to a free dinner party. It requires hard political decisions for which the necessary political will has to be mobilised. We need to draw up a credible programme of reform of our political and bureaucratic structures so as to restore our people's faith in politics as a genuine vehicle of social change. Edited excerpts of an article written by former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that appeared on August 15, 1997.


Hindustan Times
19 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
HT Archive: A call to forge a sense of national identity
I propose to speak bluntly and sincerely about the state of the nation 50 years after Independence. I would be dishonouring the memory of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and of his mentor, Mahatma Gandhi, if I try to be economical with the truth. Citizens celebrate India's independence from British rule in the streets of erstwhile Calcutta. (Getty Images) Those of us who have lived through the earlier days of free India, when the entire nation was looking forward with zeal and fervour and with a sense of national pride, cannot but look upon the present times with deep anguish and distress. The only achievement of Indian democracy has been that it has survived unfractured for 50 years. The achievement is all the more creditable, since no other democracy has had such diversity in unity, or was such a mosaic of humanity. All the great religions in the world have flourished in India. We have 15 major languages written in different alphabets and derived from different roots and for good measure, our people whom you can never call taciturn express themselves in 250 dialects. In 1950, we started as a Republic with three inestimable advantages. First, we had 5,000 years of civilisation behind us –– a civilisation which had reached 'the summit of human thought' in the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson. We had a superb entrepreneurial spirit, honed over a century of obstacles. Secondly, whereas before 1858, India was never a united political entity, in that year, the accident of British rule welded us into one country, one nation; and when Independence came, we had been in unified nationality for almost a century under one head of state. Thirdly, our founding fathers, after two long years of laborious and painful toil, gave us a Constitution which a former Chief Justice of India rightly described as 'substance'. Unfortunately, over the years we dissipated every advantage we started with, like a compulsive gambler bent upon squandering an invaluable legacy. For the first 40 years, successive governments imposed mindless socialism on the nation, which held in thrall the people's endeavour and enterprise. They respected the shells of socialism state control and state ownership while the kernel, the spirit of social justice, was left with no chance of coming to life. We shut our eyes to the act that socialism is to social justice what ritual is to religion and dogma is to truth. The most persistent tendency in India has been to have too much government and too little administration, too many laws and too little justice, too many public servants and too little public service; too many controls and too little welfare. The picture that emerges is that of a great nation in a state of moral decay, of which corruption and indiscipline are two of the several facets. In the land of Mahatma Gandhi, violence is on the throne today. Mobocracy has too often displaced democracy. The contribution of modern India to sociology has been Bandh –– the closure of an entire city by militant rowdies. If I am asked to name one curse which deserves to be regarded as the greatest curse of India, I would say it is casteism. Unfortunately, divisiveness has become the Indian disease: Communal hatred, linguistic fanaticism, regional fealty, and caste loyalty are gnawing at the vitals of the unity and integrity of the country. To the growing army of terrorists and professional hooligans, caste or clan, creed or tongue, is a sufficient ground to kill their fellow citizens. National integration is born in the hearts of the citizens. When it dies there, no army, no government can save it. Interfaith harmony and consciousness of the essential unity of all religions is the very heart of our national integration. The soul of India aspires to integration and assimilation. The day will come when the 26 states of India will realise that in a profound sense they are culturally akin, ethnically identical, linguistically knit and historically related. The major task before India today is to acquire a keener sense of national identity, to gain the wisdom to cherish its priceless heritage, and to create a cohesive society with the cement of Indian culture. Edited excerpts of an article written by eminent jurist and author Nani A Palkhiwala that appeared on August 15, 1997.