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The reality for an Afghan refugee family in Germany – DW – 06/12/2025

The reality for an Afghan refugee family in Germany – DW – 06/12/2025

DWa day ago

Shubhangi Derhgawen
06/12/2025
June 12, 2025
This year until April 2025 saw over 80% of all asylum claims in Germany rejected. DW accompanies one Afghan family on the day of their important appointment with immigration authorities — so is it good news?

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Lebanon: Is Hezbollah too weak to come to Iran's aid? – DW – 06/13/2025
Lebanon: Is Hezbollah too weak to come to Iran's aid? – DW – 06/13/2025

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Lebanon: Is Hezbollah too weak to come to Iran's aid? – DW – 06/13/2025

The Tehran-backed group remains remarkably restrained following the Israeli strikes on Iran. Is Hezbollah too weak to attack or is the group busy rearming? Following Israel's attack on Iran, tensions across the Middle East are at an all-year-high. Yet, Hezbollah, once Iran's best equipped and biggest militia group in the region, issued a statement only hours after the attack. The group condemned Israel's attack and sent condolences to Tehran for those who got killed. But Hezbollah did not offer to join in the retaliation — even though, being based in Lebanon, they have a direct border with Israel. "The previous rule was that when Iran is attacked on its territory, it retaliates from its territory," Heiko Wimmen, Project Director of Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon at the International Crisis Group, told DW. However, he wouldn't rule out that these "rulebooks have changed." "Hezbollah could be waiting for a clear call to action from Iran," Wimmen said. Ronnie Chatah, a Beirut-based political analyst and host of The Beirut Banyan podcast, told DW that "Iran cannot easily retaliate from Lebanon today as a result of Hezbollah's major losses during last year's war with Israel." Iran's "'crown jewel' may no longer serve as it was built and honed to function: a front line of external defense for Tehran," he added. Yet, he still sees that in "terms of general trends in the region and how Hezbollah reacts, it is safe to conclude that even in its withered state, Hezbollah remains a reflection of Iran's security concerns." Israel's strikes on Iran's main enrichment facility and the country's ballistic missile program took place two days ahead of the sixth round of US-Iran negotiations over a new nuclear deal in Oman. It now remains to be seen whether that meeting will still take place. However, hopes for a new agreement were somewhat dashed even before Israel's attack on Iran. Earlier this week, a senior Iranian official already told the news agency Reuters that Tehran would not abandon its right to enrich uranium. Also US President Donald Trump has lowered expectations for a new deal which could have eased tensions in the region. Following Israel's strikes on Iran, it remains to be seen if Iran and the US will continue their nuclear talks in Oman on Sunday Image: Vahid Salemi/AP/dpa/picture alliance Is Hezbollah too weak or too busy? "Another reason for Hezbollah's radio silence is that they could have decided to prioritize internal restructuring," Heiko Wimmen said. This would include appointing a new leadership and focusing on local arms production in order to become more independent from Iranian supplies. "Also, nobody really knows for sure what happened to those strategic missiles that Hezbollah supposedly had but never really used against Israel in last year's war," Wimmen added. In November 2024, a ceasefire ended 11 months of skirmishes and two months of a full-scale war that was triggered by Hezbollah, whose military wing is classified as terrorist organization by the US, Germany and several Arab states. Over time, Israel killed most of Hezbollah's leadership and destroyed large parts of the group's infrastructure, as well as Lebanon's south and large parts of Beirut. Also, some 4,000 people were killed. Despite the ceasefire, Israel has been frequently attacking sites it says are connected with Hezbollah. Last week, Israel's military carried out intense strikes on a suburb of Beirut where Hezbollah holds sway. The Israeli military said that it targeted Hezbollah's underground drone factories. Hezbollah officials denied the existence of such facilities. Still, the most recent report by the Institute for the Study of War, states that "Hezbollah likely seeks to prioritize domestic drone production after recent setbacks that have complicated its ability to procure and smuggle Iranian weapons into Lebanon." While this is in line with Hezbollah's previous role as well-equipped and much larger armed group than for example Lebanon's national army, it goes against international calls for Hezbollah's disarmament and growing pressure on Hezbollah even from within Lebanon. However, Hezbollah officials have repeatedly said that they would not give up arms until Israel stopped its airstrikes and withdrew from five points it is still occupying along the border in southern Lebanon. Israel though said it would not stop targeting Hezbollah as long as they posed a threat. Some 7 months after the ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel, the Israeli military targeted a suburb of Beirut in what they said was to dismantle a drone manufacturing place Image: AFP/Getty Images Growing pressure on Hezbollah Meanwhile, Lebanon's government has also stepped up efforts to contain Hezbollah. Earlier this month, Lebanon's Minister Nawaf Salam said in a televised address marking 100 days in office that the Lebanese army had dismantled "more than 500 military positions and arms depots" belonging to Hezbollah in the south of the country. "The state continues its action... to restore its authority over the entire national territory... and to have a monopoly on arms," Salam said. "The conversation is very different from the last civil war of the 2000s, where Hezbollah emerged as the key party that delivered reconstruction and economic support for the people, thus garnering political support," Kelly Petillo, Middle East researcher at the European Council on Foreign Relations, told DW upon her return from Beirut earlier this week. "Now, the conversation is about disarmament at the national level," she said, adding that "at a local level the conversation is about who's going to lift us from hardship and the aftermath of a terrible war." Meanwhile, posters of Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah's former leader who was killed in September 2024 during an Israeli strike on Hezbollah's headquarters in Beirut, are still lining major streets in the city. "Flags and posters with Nasrallah and other Hezbollah leaders still hang, but they hang on destroyed buildings along worn down streets," Petillo says. "It can't be denied that Hezbollah has become weak," she told DW, adding that "the flags are still there and even though they are covered in dust and rubble it also means that Hezbollah will not disappear anytime soon." Edited by: Andreas Illmer Why Iran and Israel are enemies To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video

Hungarian MEP: 'We took democracy for granted' – DW – 06/13/2025
Hungarian MEP: 'We took democracy for granted' – DW – 06/13/2025

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Hungarian MEP: 'We took democracy for granted' – DW – 06/13/2025

Klara Dobrev is head of Hungary's opposition Democratic Coalition and former vice president of the European Parliament. DW spoke to her about the rise of illiberal democracy in Europe and current politics in Hungary. DW: US President Donald Trump's admiration for Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban was on full display at the recent CPAC gathering in Budapest, and the architects of Project 2025 say openly that they see Orban's illiberal democracy as the model for Trump's second presidency. What parallels do you see between Hungary and the United States right now? Klara Dobrev: We took democracy for granted. In 2010, we said: "If Orban doesn't deliver, then we will simply defeat him in the next elections." I have heard the same thing from my fellow democrats in the USA. It's not true. These illiberals, they are attacking the institutions. They are attacking the checks and balances, the correction mechanisms of democracy. They attack the media, they attack public administration, they attack civil organizations, they attack freedom of speech … You must be able to react on time, before it's too late. What were the key red flags on the road to "illiberal democracy," and what are the moments of possibility for pushing back? Dobrev: A politician comes to power in an election, but then there is a moment when he decides not to lose power; he decides to become an autocrat. This is a one-way road. There is no turning back. That's what we saw with Putin. That's what we saw with Lukashenko. That's what we saw with Erdogan and that's what we saw with Orban. Klara Dobrev says that if Hungarians were given the choice between Orban and Europe, the majority of people would choose Europe. Pictured here: Hungarian PM Viktor Orban Image:Hungary was once one of the best countries in Central Eastern Europe, with the highest living standards. Now, we are one of the poorest countries in the European Union. Democracy is the only way you can secure the long-term wellbeing of people. If there is a mistake, you can correct it. If there is a bad policy, you can correct it. If there is no democracy, then you can't correct it. Now, the tension is so big. People are living in very bad circumstances. We don't have migrant problems, we have the problem that everyone is leaving the country. I definitely think that in 2026 you can really put huge pressure on the government. Viktor Orban's main political challenger is Peter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider. Why has the Hungarian left not been able to occupy that space? Dobrev: In 2021, the united opposition (United for Hungary) was ahead of Fidesz in the polls. Unfortunately, a right-wing candidate started to talk against the left parties, and it destroyed this feeling of being united. I strongly believe that the only way you defeat an illiberal populist is with a broad coalition of Democrats, Conservatives, Liberals, Greens, Social Democrats, Socialists. Together: That's the only way, and that's the only way you can govern a country later on. Peter Magyar, leader of the Hungarian opposition Tisza Party and Viktor Orban's main political challenger, speaks on the anniversary of the 1848/49 Hungarian Revolution Image: Balint Szentgallay/IMAGO This time, again, the opposition is leading. But it will not be enough if we cannot make a broad coalition. You have to bring everyone to the voting booth. How can a broad coalition be kept together over an issue like defending the Budapest Pride march, which is likely to be something supported by urban liberals, but not by more conservative sections of society? Dobrev: We can have different values about a lot of things, but if you are a democrat, then you definitely must work on the basis that Pride cannot be banned, whatever your opinion about it. When there is a red flag, there is a red flag. Every politician who considers himself a democrat has to be there on Pride. That's why I invited the whole European Parliament. I invited all fellow members from different parties to come and show courage, to participate in Pride. This is exactly the moment when you as a politician have to set an example. This month, the Hungarian government made a surprising concession: postponing a parliamentary vote on the Transparency in Public Life bill until after the summer recess. The bill, which would enable the government to fine — and potentially ban — NGOs, media outlets and journalists it deems to be receiving foreign money and acting against the national interest, has been heavily criticized by rights groups. What dangers do you see in the legislation? Dobrev: It's not only freezing the funds, it's threatening the journalists or the owners of the media outlets with a fine which is 25 times the funding they receive. So, it's a personal threat, it's not a political threat. In the 21st century, you don't have to put people in jail, you can silence them very easily. Demonstrators in Budapest protested against the planned law 'on transparency in public life,' which critics see as an attempt by Prime Minister Viktor Orban to muzzle dissenting voices Image: Ferenc Isza/AFP Let me give you an example. The Pride was a march of joy. It was sponsored by a lot of multinational companies, all the big companies who were in Hungary. When this law came out, the majority of the sponsors disappeared. So, you can just simply create an atmosphere where this kind of solidarity within society is not working anymore — and the same with the journalists and media outlets. When autocracy goes into your soul, into your mind, you don't need external censors. I think the most dangerous attack is not the concrete penalty, the concrete fine. The biggest damage is to the mindset and the soul. You're a former vice president of the European Parliament, currently a sitting MEP within the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) group. You've seen, from Brussels, how some €18 billion worth of funds have been withheld from Hungary over rule of law concerns. And yet, the democratic backsliding has continued. Has the EU got it wrong? What would be a more effective approach toward Orban? Dobrev: Even after 15 years of Orban, Hungarians are pro-European. It's over a thousand years of Hungarian history: We always wanted to be part of Europe, and always someone dragged us out, whether it was the Tartars, the Turks or the Russians. So, if you put the question in black and white: "Orban or Europe?" then the majority of the people would choose Europe. 'If you are a democrat, then you definitely must work on the basis that Pride cannot be banned, whatever your opinion about it,' says Klara Dobrev Image: Ferenc Isza/AFP It's so painful for me to say this, but Orban could never have built his illiberal regime without European funding, which was coming into the country for 10 years without any proper controls. All his oligarchs, friends, son-in-law, father — their wealth was stolen from European taxpayers, and it was stolen from the Hungarian people. And with this wealth, they bought the media outlets, they bought the critical companies in energy, in telecommunications, in the banking sector. They bought the land, they bought the country. That's why we are saying that until these controls are built in, the money should remain in Brussels. It's there, it's for Hungary, but it cannot go anymore to the Orban family and the Orban oligarchs. Brussels should really show that Europe is a union of values and democracy, not simply a bunch of countries. Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan The full interview with Klara Dobrev MEP can be heard on DW's Inside Europe podcast .

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