US ends case against doctor over alleged Covid vaccine scheme
The abrupt halt to proceedings comes just days after the trial commenced, and is the latest boost to the vaccine-sceptic movement from President Donald Trump's administration.
Michael Kirk Moore, a plastic surgeon in the western state of Utah, was charged by the Department of Justice in 2023 alongside his clinic and three others for "running a scheme" to defraud the government.
He was accused of destroying or disposing of over $28,000 worth of government-provided Covid vaccines and handing out at least 1,937 false vaccine record cards in exchange for payment.
Dr Moore, who faced decades behind bars, was also accused of administering a saline solution to children - at the behest of their parents - so that they would think they had been vaccinated against Covid.
His trial began this week at a federal court in Salt Lake City.
But on Tuesday, Republican politician Marjorie Taylor Greene, one of Mr Trump's most vocal hard-right supporters, said she had written to Ms Bondi calling for charges against Dr Moore to be dropped.
"Dr Moore gave his patients a choice when the federal government refused to do so. He did not deserve the years in prison he was facing. It ends today," Ms Bondi wrote on X yesterday.
Ms Bondi's decision also notably comes as she faces fire from right-wing activists over her handling of a probe into the late financier Jeffrey Epstein.
The Covid-19 pandemic sparked fierce political division in the US between those who supported lockdowns and vaccination drives, and those who considered the measures as restrictions on freedom.
Mr Trump, himself vaccinated against Covid-19, has appointed as his Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr., who has initiated an overhaul of US vaccine policy.
Mr Kennedy said Dr Moore "deserves a medal for his courage and commitment to healing," in an X post in April.
At the end of May, Mr Kennedy announced that federal authorities would no longer recommend Covid-19 jabs for children and pregnant women, prompting accusations from medical groups that he was taking away parents' ability to opt for vaccinations.
Mr Kennedy has been accused of spreading vaccine misinformation, including about the measles vaccine, even as the US grapples with its worst measles epidemic in 30 years.
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The Journal
11 hours ago
- The Journal
An Post sales just topped €1 billion - so why does it want to cut services?
Paul O'Donoghue THE HUMBLE POSTAL service has been a fixture of Irish life for generations. That now seems at risk. A major row last week over the future of An Post grabbed news headlines – including claims and counterclaims over the financial health of the organisation. Around the time when the postal service was due to appear before an Oireachtas committee, the An Post CEO said a minister leaked information from Cabinet. Meanwhile, rumours swirled of an organisation in a bad economic position. Very exciting stuff. But when you look past all the heat and noise, one key point emerged - An Post wants to cut mail delivery days. The details still have to be ironed out. But reports suggest mail would be delivered on fewer days per week as a way of cutting costs. However, this report emerged at the same time as An Post confirmed fairly encouraging numbers for 2024. Last year, sales at the organisation topped €1 billion for the first time ever, up from €922 million in 2023. It also reported a profit of €5.6 million, compared to a €20 million loss the year before. So if the company is growing and profitable – why does it want to cut mail delivery days? Shifting mail habits The simple reason – delivering traditional mail, such as letters and postcards, every day of the week isn't particularly lucrative anymore. Mail volumes are falling – with a wealth of communication options such as phones and email, people don't use letters as much as they once did. An Post reported that mail volumes fell 7.6% in 2024. Maybe a one year decline of about 7% doesn't sound particularly big? But the problem is the long-term trend. Say a number drops by 7% each year for a decade. After 10 years, it will have roughly halved. And mail volumes have been falling for longer than that - go back to An Post's 2010 annual report , and it also reported a 7% drop in mail volumes. Advertisement The point being – Irish people send far fewer letters now than they did 10 or 20 years ago. Because of this, there's less mail revenue for An Post. This has been somewhat compensated for by the rise in parcel deliveries from people shopping online, which has boomed since Covid. An Post reported that parcel deliveries jumped by 12.6% in 2024. Which comes back to why An Post wants to cut mail delivery days. It wants to focus more on the side of its operations which is growing and makes more money – parcels. Not the part which is shrinking – letter delivery. Cutting costs The logic of delivering mail on fewer days is to minimise costs. For example – say it costs An Post €500 to send out 1,000 letters in a day (these numbers are pulled out of the air for illustration purposes). If it delivers letters five days a week, it spends €2,500. If it could deliver all those letters in four days instead, it only costs the organisation €2,000. And the same number of letters get delivered. An Post alludes to this in its 2024 annual report, saying customers are 'demanding reliability over speed'. This also means there is logic to An Post's decision to recently raise stamp prices , even as mail volumes fall. Delivering higher-priced mail on fewer days makes more financial sense than delivering lower-priced mail every day. In tandem with this, the organisation will increasingly focus on its growing parcel deliveries. International trend This proposal to reduce delivery days is not unique to An Post. Postal services across the world are looking at similar measures in the face of falling traditional mail volumes. In New Zealand, the state postal service only delivers three times per week to urban areas, and five per week to rural addresses. Last year, New Zealand's government proposed reducing this even further , to two days in urban centres and three in rural areas. Again, to cut costs. The organisation also plans to have parcels and mail delivered by the same person. Denmark has taken things even further again. PostNord, the country's state-run postal service, will cease all letter deliveries by the end of 2025 . The country's Transport Minister not-very-reassuringly reassured people they will still be able to send mail via the 'free market'. Related Reads War of words breaks out on the airwaves between An Post boss and a minister — what's going on? The announcement came in the same week that Germany's Deutsche Post announced it will cut 8,000 of its 187,000 workforce . Why are all these countries doing this? Postal services tend to be state owned. With the fall in mail volumes, the postal services often start making financial losses, even with the growth in parcels. Once losses start mounting, the choice for governments is either to subsidise/invest in the service, or cut it. And many are choosing to cut. Some insight into the numbers was provided earlier this month by the UK's Royal Mail. While the body is privately-owned, it's dealing with the same issues as the state-owned postal services. Ofcom, the UK's postal watchdog, has given it the all-clear to cut mail deliveries for 'second-class' letters to every other weekday and not on Saturdays. It said doing this would reduce Royal Mail's costs by at least £250 million a year – a significant amount for an organisation which only recorded an operating profit of £149 million in 2023. An Post future To bring this back to An Post. The €5.6m profit it made this year might sound good. And it is, for an organisation operating in a very difficult market. But given its sales of €1 billion, An Post has a profit margin of less than 1%. That's a very slender buffer which could easily be erased by any number of economic shocks. Ofcom's figures give some indication of the financial benefit of cutting mail delivery days. So it's easy to see why An Post would want to follow suit. It's also worth noting that a report from Grant Thornton just a few months ago suggested that the post office network needs funding of €15m annually over the next five years , up from its current €10m per year. If it doesn't get it, there are warnings of widespread post office closures. While An Post reported good numbers in 2024, its long-term future is still uncertain. So management wants to put it in as secure a financial position as possible. Now, are the proposed changes good for An Post customers or workers? Probably not. Consumers will get a reduced service, while employees face delivering the same volume of mail on fewer days. But while An Post is publicly owned, it operates as a business. Given that, its proposals are very much in line with global trends. There's an argument that An Post should be run more as community service, delivering mail every day, even if it doesn't make the best business sense. However, that isn't how the company is set up now. Until its operating mandate changes, An Post will aim to run itself in a way that puts it in the most secure financial position possible. Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal
The Irish Sun
11 hours ago
- The Irish Sun
Elite team of cops to monitor anti-migrant social media posts to clamp down on unrest as critics blast ‘disturbing' move
AN elite team of cops will be tasked with monitoring social media for anti-migrant posts. Detectives are being handpicked from forces across the UK to take part in the new programme amid fears of rioting as the small boats crisis escalates. Advertisement 3 The new unit will monitor social media posts about immigration Credit: UKNIP 3 The step has been slammed as an attack on freedom of speech Credit: Getty 3 Lucy Connolly was sentenced to 31 months in prison for her misinformed posts about Southport Credit: PA The division, overseen by the Home Office, will look to "maximise social media intelligence" gathering after forces were slammed for their response to last year's unrest. Protests outside asylum hotels is continuing to heat up, with crowds gathering yesterday in the likes of Norwich, Leeds and Bournemouth - and more demonstrations planned today. Deputy PM Angela Rayner warned the Cabinet last week that the Government must step in to address "real concerns" about immigration. However, critics have labelled the social media policing plans as "disturbing" and questioned if it further restricts freedom of speech. Advertisement The National Internet Intelligence Investigations team, will work out of the National Police Coordination Centre (NPoCC) in Westminster. The NPoCC provides the central planning for forces across the UK in terms of "nationally significant protests" and civil disorder. And enforced lockdown rules during the Covid pandemic. Lucy Connolly fury It comes after Tory councillor Raymond Connolly's wife account just hours after evil murdered three girls in the Merseyside town on July 29 last year. Advertisement Most read in The Sun Breaking Ms Connolly, 41, shared a call to arms following the deaths of Bebe King, six, nine-year-old Alice Dasilva Aguiar and Elsie Dot Stancombe, seven, last July. Posts wrongly claimed monster Ms Connelly's punishment sparked fury across the political divide. 16 arrested after protests outside Epping migrant hotel as ring of steel ramps up around TWO asylum seeker centres Furious Brits noted that despite the former child minder quickly deleting her post, she remains in prison while paedos such as Hugh Edwards escaped jail time. Advertisement Referring to the social media cops, Chris Philp, the shadow home secretary, told the "They're setting up a central team to monitor what you post, what you share, what you think, because deep down they know the public don't buy what they're selling." He added Labour are no longer "pretending" to fix Britain and are now "trying to mute it" - turning the country into a "surveillance state". Nigel Farage, the Reform UK leader, said: 'This is the beginning of the state controlling free speech. It is sinister, dangerous and must be fought. Reform UK will do just that.' Advertisement
Irish Times
13 hours ago
- Irish Times
The Covid files: what the government was told and how it coped in the early days of the pandemic
In political and policymaking circles, it is sometimes called 'the centre': the small group of people who run the country . It doesn't have a set membership but would always contain the political leadership of taoiseach and tánaiste and those around them, and the very top echelons of the Civil Service; the ministers for finance and public expenditure are usually involved, the wider cabinet and senior civil servants periodically so. During the Covid pandemic, decisions were made at the centre of government that upended daily life. The State faced a seismic challenge – a fundamental, even existential threat. A trove of unpublished documents released under the Freedom of Information Act shows the information that was being given to the centre of government as it made these decisions. For the most part, they are papers prepared for cabinet, or its Covid-19 subcommittee. These secret materials are among the most closely guarded documents generated by the government of the day, guiding decision making with unvarnished opinions and analyses deemed too sensitive for public eyes – only becoming eligible for release under Freedom of Information laws after five years have elapsed. They show what the centre was seeing – and what it was thinking. Over a period of three months, in February, March and April 2020, as the Republic careened towards and then endured lockdown, they show how the State mobilised, how lockdowns became a reality, and the first hints of the complex and overlapping problems left behind. 'Adequately prepared' As the cabinet met on January 28th, 2020, the dust was settling on a seven-way leaders debate held the previous night on the Claire Byrne TV show on RTÉ. The Republic was in the midst of a general election campaign as minister for health Simon Harris updated ministers on an outbreak of the 'novel coronavirus' in Wuhan, China. On New Year's Eve, China had reported a 'cluster of pneumonia cases of unknown cause' with a 'common reported link' to the wholesale seafood market in Wuhan. Wuhan Hygiene Emergency Response workers leafe the Huanan seafood wholesale market in Wuhan, China, on January 11th, 2020. Photograph: Noel Celis/AFP/Getty The cabinet memo – a document distributed to ministers updating them with key information and decision points – outlined a 'moderate likelihood' of further case importation to the EU. Measures to limit the risk of spread should be implemented, the World Health Organisation said, but 'without unnecessary restriction of international traffic'. The previous day, the first meeting of the National Public Health Emergency Team (Nphet) led by Chief Medical Officer Dr Tony Holohan, that assessed the threat from the pandemic and offered advice to Government, had been held. Cabinet was told that measures put in place to ensure the State was 'adequately prepared to address any potential cases' were 'appropriate'. Three weeks later, on February 18th, with the election over, testing was under way in the Republic – with the cabinet told 76 suspected cases had been assessed. Dr Tony Holohan, chair of Nphet, delivers a media briefing in the Department of Health in early 2020. Photograph: Crispin Rodwell The risk to healthcare systems and the population in the EU was low to moderate, or low, ministers were told. The system was beginning to dial in – various internal groups were being established, and travel advice was updated for China – six citizens had requested evacuation from the country, the cabinet was told, while officials had met the Chinese ambassador in Dublin. Changes to the infectious diseases regulations were discussed, with an emphasis on communications. On March 2nd there was clear uptick in activity. A special cabinet committee was established. The first case of Covid had been identified in Ireland on February 29th, associated with travel from Italy, with contact tracing deployed. The risk of widespread and sustained transmission in the EU was now 'moderate to high', as was the risk for healthcare systems. For the first time, a pattern in the State of 'containment, mitigation and spread' was discussed, which could 'likely follow similar patterns in other jurisdictions'. The Ireland-Italy Six Nations rugby match had been cancelled on February 25th. [ Ireland is 'exactly 14 days behind Italy' in terms of coronavirus cases Opens in new window ] It was clear from the message to cabinet that more stringent measures could be on the way, including 'workplace measures or school closures ... and possibly movement and travel restrictions'. Nonetheless, the cabinet was told that 'it is not anticipated that some of the more extreme measures applied in some countries ... would be appropriate or necessary in Ireland'. March, 2020: A billboard in Naples raising awareness to the measures being taken to fight the spread of Covid-19. Photograph: Carlo Hermann/AFP/Getty But paragraphs later, the memo detailed a toolkit that included closure of childcare, schools, shopping centres, workplaces, churches, funerals, transport; there would be economic consequences as parents stayed home – 'remote working' was mentioned for the first time – as was the need for more consideration of 'payment of self-isolated employees'. There was a warning that in due course decisions might be needed on 'storing and stockpiling of food and medical supplies; on restrictions of purchasing of items to avoid panic buying'. [ Coronavirus: Schools, colleges and childcare facilities in Ireland to shut Opens in new window ] There were economic warnings too, with the Republic's small open economy vulnerable to a slowdown in trade, and the risk of market turbulence, disrupted supply chains and debt servicing costs were spelt out. Another cabinet meeting the following day was told it was 'simply not possible' to define a 'worst case' scenario for the economy as officials worried about the labour market, damage to growth, and an impact on the Irish economy which 'could be even worse' than that impacting the rest of the globe. 'Hospitals will not withstand the demands' Six days later, the cabinet committee was briefed again. The gravity of the situation was now undeniable, as the taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, prepared to depart for the United States as part of the St Patrick's Day diplomatic charm offensive. The St Patrick's Day festival in Dublin had already been cancelled as concerns grew. Within days, Varadkar would cut that visit short as restrictions were imposed on Ireland. On Sunday, March 8th, two days before he travelled, a government action plan was given to the cabinet committee. Regular and 'traditional' healthcare responses to infectious diseases 'will not be sufficient', the committee was told, while if community transmission occurred 'the hospital system will not withstand the demands, regardless of what additional capacity is put in place'. Officials advised the 'immediate decanting of hospitals' – clearing people out of acute settings, often to nursing homes, in a move which would later be blamed for the spread of Covid into these vulnerable places. [ Ireland has one of the highest rates of Covid-19 deaths in care homes in world Opens in new window ] The costs were also becoming clear – some €435 million was needed by the HSE, while the paper also talked about emergency measures to increase capacity like 'field hospitals'. The impact of the crisis on other forms of healthcare, such as cancer care, dialysis, transplants and obstetrics was also becoming clear. A paper on the economic implications called for the deployment of 'automatic stabilisers' as 'the first line of fiscal defence'; the State would spend money, huge amounts, allowing the 'headline budgetary position deteriorate' as the economy slowed. Cabinet that day decided on a further €2.4 billion in sick pay and illness benefit, and a €200 million fund for businesses. Two days later, Ireland recorded its first Covid death. The following day, Varadkar, on his St Patrick's visit to the US, gave his famous address on the steps of Blair House in Washington DC opposite the White House: schools were closed, as were crèches and universities. It was the reality of lockdown. Speaking in Washington DC Taoiseach Leo Varadkar outlined the series of new measures to combat the spread of coronavirus . Video: RTE On St Patrick's Day itself, Cabinet was approving emergency legislation allowing the prohibition of events, travel restrictions, and the detention and isolation of people who were a potential source of Covid-19, as well as expanding illness benefit. The legislation was to be passed at lightening speed, by March 20th. Memos were presented to cabinet at a similar pace – not being shared for observations with other ministers beforehand, due to time pressure, a big departure – even more so given the scale of the decisions being taken. Within days, changes were approved that would challenge and alter the political, economic and social life of the State. The Junior Cert and Leaving Cert practical and oral exams were cancelled; evictions were banned; retired defence forces members and medics were permitted to re-enlist; ferry companies were subsidised as freight and passenger numbers collapsed. And everywhere money flowed: a week after St Patrick's Day, the Temporary Wage Subsidy Scheme (TWSS), which would support salaries and keep employees tethered to their jobs, and the enhanced Pandemic Unemployment Payment (PUP) were approved – the latter with an estimated cost of between €2.1 billion and 3.9 billion. At a minimum, the government thought that 500,000 jobs could be lost, the documents show. April, 2020: The entrance to the coronavirus test centre on Sir John Rogersons Quay in Dublin. Photograph: Gareth Chaney/Collins It was estimated that between 10 and 20 percentage points of gross national income (GNI) – the economic metric that measures the size of the domestic economy, excluding multinationals – would be added to the national debt, which would lead to lower spending and higher taxes in the future. [ Coronavirus: Notion of a rapid economic recovery is at best wishful thinking Opens in new window ] The government also discussed the outright purchase of private hospitals, settling on a lease with a bill of €426 million. By April 7th, the combined cost of the TWSS and PUP was estimated to be between €4 billion and €4.5 billion over just 12 weeks; some €2 billion had been allocated to health responses; businesses had been advanced €400 million in liquidity support. On the same day, the cabinet was told that the Garda reported compliance with guidelines and a positive response, but noted that there was a measure of complacency as good weather combined with prolonged restrictions. There was also an 'emerging demand ... regarding people gathering at hospitals'. [ Coronavirus in Ireland: New powers of arrest for gardaí expected to come into force Opens in new window ] Garda Commissioner Drew Harris recommended implementing regulations giving greater weight to Covid powers which had hitherto operated on an administrative basis – ie, without the regulations coming into force officially. However, Varadkar resisted in light of high levels of public compliance. 'Far more divisive' On April 17th, the restrictions were extended to May 5th but there was a glimmer of light as Nphet reported to cabinet that there were 'encouraging signs' that the measures were having an effect. Four days later, the public health side was holding firm – the disease was suppressed, with a reproduction rate below 1 – indicating it was receding in the community. But the cabinet was told it was 'too early' to consider relaxing measures. Nonetheless, at this point the cabinet began to discuss the phased reduction of social distancing measures, conscious of 'increasing expectation' that at least some restrictions will begin to be lifted. Lockdowns were beginning to chafe as the Garda reported complacency again. There were troubling signs as well that despite social cohesion, behind closed doors all was not well, with a 21 per cent increase in domestic violence complaints. The legacy of lockdown, and a future dominated by trying to stamp out the disease with testing and tiered levels of restrictions, was also potentially darker. The initial swift and unprecedented phase, the cabinet was told, was 'experienced by everyone together and in a relatively unified spirit' But what followed was a stark warning: 'The next phase has the potential to be far more divisive as the reality of the long-term implications sinks in. 'This includes unemployment, reduced income, increased debt, closure of businesses, reduced educational opportunities, restrictions on movement and social interactions, and ultimately the loss of loved ones.' By mid-May, the pathway out of restrictions was mapped out and reopening began but it would be another 22 months before Nphet was disbanded. Photograph: Gareth Chaney/Collins The documents reveal how the impact of Covid far exceeded what was initially imagined, but fell short of worst case scenarios, while still being an unprecedented shock. The last document in the files released under FOI is a cabinet memo from April 28th. Two things were clear: Ireland would come out of restrictions, with detailed work under way in Nphet on a roadmap to ease constraints: but not yet. 'As of today,' the cabinet was told, 'there is no indication that the behaviour of the disease is in such a place as to enable any easing of the restrictions currently in place.' By midway through May, the pathway out of restrictions was mapped out and reopening began. However, it would be another 22 months before Nphet was disbanded, a move that was widely seen as marking the end of the pandemic. Despite the trauma of that spring of 2020, many more months awaited of restrictions being lifted and reimposed, a fraying – if not a breaking – of social cohesion; the tensions between Nphet and the government, the 'meaningful Christmas' that taoiseach Micheál Martin wanted the Irish people to have in 2020, the darkness of early 2021 as the second wave brought the highest number of deaths and the virus surged again through nursing homes, and the roll-out of vaccines which finally gave way to the return of normality. The first phase was over, but what lay ahead was in fact the more damaging, more divisive part of the pandemic.
