logo
I thought I needed anxiety for my job. I was wrong.

I thought I needed anxiety for my job. I was wrong.

Mint09-05-2025

I recently took a personality test and decided I needed to change some things; some aspects of my personality seemed to be responsible for making me unhappy. A high level of neurotic anxiety was one of them. To help adopt a new mindset, I took intensive meditation class; the 'homework' involved meditating for 45 minutes a day.
This was challenging because, as I confessed to my meditation teacher, I hated meditating. As an ultra-productive efficiency lover, I didn't like doing nothing for long stretches of time. But also, and more important, I wasn't sure I really wanted my anxiety to go away.
I saw anxiety as my secret weapon, the edge that an immigrant kid like me had on my more privileged, pedigreed peers. Sure, they went to Yale, but I could have a huge panic attack about my career that would fuel me to work through the weekend like it was nothing.
I didn't know how I'd live without anxiety, which I saw as a useful net for my high-wire life as a journalist. I'd proudly recall times when my hair-trigger Spidey sense jolted me awake at 3 a.m., to correct a factual error before a story went live in the morning. I still cringe at the time in college when my lack of anxiety had let classmates down: In true senioritis style, I slacked off on an assignment and left our team with a mediocre grade. Our professor, a journalist of some renown, said our project 'didn't even make sense.' The lesson I took was that I had been laid-back and anxiety-free, and it showed.
A pillar of the meditation method of the class that I took, Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction, is the concept of 'not-striving.' People who come to it are told not to chase specific outcomes. In his book 'Full Catastrophe Living,' founder Jon Kabat-Zinn writes how, in meditation, 'the best way to achieve your goals is to back off from striving for results and instead to start focusing carefully on seeing and accepting things as they are, moment by moment.'
But stripped of my meditation headset, I was still an anxious little immigrant who thought you should, in fact, be striving. If you're not careful, some deeply buried shtetl gene told me, you can mindfulness yourself into so little drive for success that you end up sleeping on a park bench.
Ultimately I got over this anxiety reliance through advice I encountered from another guru of sorts, the Democratic operative David Axelrod. According to Dan Harris, author of 'Ten Percent Happier,' Axelrod has a secret for staying calm during political campaigns, which involve striving furiously for months and then, come Election Day, letting go. He tells himself, 'All we can do is everything we can do.' In other words, you can do your best, but you can't do more than that.
I found this a useful mantra for so much of my life. It's OK to get amped, to work hard, and to strive for success. It's OK to do everything you can do—triple-check the story before you go home for the night, send one more email for work, research a better school for your child. But once you've done all you can do, it's time to let go.
I realized my hard work and intensive planning—not my unending anxiety over outcomes—were helping me achieve. Sometimes things will happen the way they are going to happen, 3 a.m. wakeups notwithstanding. I could tilt the course of events in my direction, but I couldn't control the future—and certainly not by worrying more about it.
Now, I avoid rechecking assignments that I've already reviewed. I don't reread emails to my boss after I've sent them. I only peek at my bank account balance once a month, and my 401K even less frequently. After I've gotten my work done, I make time for guilt-free fun with my family. Or by myself.
For modern-day go-getters, mindfulness can mean striving to do things well, but it also means acknowledging when the results are out of your hands. There's no need to be anxious when I've done all I can do—including meditating.
Olga Khazan is a journalist and the author, most recently, of 'Me, but Better: The Science and Promise of Personality Change.'

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The Kilvenmani massacre: When 44 Dalits were burned alive in one of India's earliest caste-based atrocities
The Kilvenmani massacre: When 44 Dalits were burned alive in one of India's earliest caste-based atrocities

Indian Express

time14 hours ago

  • Indian Express

The Kilvenmani massacre: When 44 Dalits were burned alive in one of India's earliest caste-based atrocities

During a field visit to Kilvenmani in 2020, a thirsty Deivendra Kumar A recalls asking an elderly woman for drinking water. Her response stayed with him. 'Neenga enna aalunga, neenga enga kitta thanni kudippeegala? (What caste are you? Will you take water from us?)' the woman asked. The question struck Kumar, then a Master's student at a nearby university, for multiple reasons, but mainly because this Tamil Nadu village was the site of one of independent India's earliest and most severe instances of caste-based violence. More than half a century after that fateful day in 1968 when 44 Dalits were burned alive in Kilvenmani, Kumar A realised that little had changed in the remote village in the agriculturally rich Nagapattinam (earlier part of Thanjavur) district on the east coast of Tamil Nadu. In his 2023 article in the journal Economic and Political Weekly, titled 'In Memory of a Charred Village', Kumar A evokes powerful imagery of a hut which has been turned into a memorial. Adjacent to it is a new memorial called Manimandapam, with 44 carved pillars and raised fists representing the martyrs, he notes. But what happened in 1968? Who were the 44 victims of caste-based violence? Why was caste discrimination still prevalent in a newly independent India? And what was the aftermath of the violence? In the 1960s, landlord oppression was prevalent in Thanjavur. Among most districts in Tamil Nadu, Thanjavur had the most skewed land ownership trend at the time. A 1973 article in the Economic and Political Weekly, titled the 'Gentlemen Killers of Kilvenmani', notes that since 1961, 3.8 per cent of cultivating households in the district held more than 25.88 per cent of the cultivated area while 76 per cent held only 37 per cent of the area. Thanjavur reportedly had a high number of landless labourers: for every 10 cultivators, there were at least nine labourers. Among the landless, Harijans formed the bulk. 'It was here that feudal serfdom had fully developed,' the article noted. During the 1940s, the Communists became active in the village and associated themselves with the Dalits, as per the article. By the 1960s, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) had successfully mobilised them, most of them agricultural labourers in Kilvenmani, to demand higher wages and resist the oppression of the feudal, upper-caste landlords. Author and academic Elisabeth B Armstrong, in her 2014 book Gender and Neoliberalism: The All India Democratic Women's Association and Globalization Politics, highlights how women from Kilvenmani also joined the growing leftist women's movement. Together, Dalit men and women challenged what she calls 'established traditions of social oppression, labour exploitation, and sexual predation'. However, in 1966, upper-caste landlords under the leadership of Gopala Krishna Naidu founded the Paddy Producers Association (PPA). Naidu was one of the most powerful landowners in the area and owned estates in Kilvenmani and several neighbouring villages. The PPA helped bring labourers from outside Kilvenmani, replacing local labourers who were demanding salaries above the minimum wage. 'The landlords' pent up anger, frustration and inability to reconcile themselves to the Harijans' new found identity found expression on December 25, 1968…,' notes the 1973 article. On December 25, 1968, a landlord in Kilvenmani hired labour supplied by the PPA to punish local labourers, who had gone on strike multiple times demanding higher wages. The atmosphere was quite tense. Eyewitness accounts record that on the same evening, a tea-shop owner was kidnapped by the landlords and beaten up for refusing to advise the labourers to join the PPA. Enraged, the labourers forced the release of the man. In the conflict, an agent of one of the landlords was killed. The mirasdars (large landowners), according to Armstrong, sought revenge. At 10 pm that night, the landlords and their men arrived in police lorries and surrounded the Dalit neighbourhood from three sides, cutting all escape routes, she says. 'They shot at the Harijans with guns, attacked them with sickles and sticks and set fire to their huts. Several Harijans were hurt, two very seriously. Some women, children and old men ran and took refuge in one of the huts. The murderers immediately surrounded the hut, and set fire to it,' she cites. The next morning, 44 bodies were recovered. In her 1999 book Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, UK historian Susan Bayly noted that all the Kilvenmani victims were rural labourers belonging to the Harijan community. In contrast, among the 200 attackers reportedly involved in the violence were some of the richest landowners of the area. While mainstream media portrayed the incident as a wage dispute, according to Armstrong, locals suggested that the violence was fuelled by upper-caste anxiety over the growing militancy of the agricultural workers and their defiance of caste-based practices. 'The suggestion that it was simply the wage issue…was meant to cover up the underlying cause of the agrarian trouble that had attracted even judicial notice,' noted the 1973 article. In his 2017 book, Dalit Women: Vanguard of an Alternative Politics in India, scholar and writer Anand Teltumbde notes: 'These atrocities were unleashed by collectives of the dominating castes on collectives of the Dalit in a celebratory mode, not as punishment for specific contraventions of the caste code…' 'The role of the left women's movement was as critical in Kilvenmani,' notes Armstrong. Women's committees in the Communist Party of India produced some powerful women leaders, as seen in the protests that followed the Kilvenmani massacre, she says. 'These same Dalit women active in the agricultural workers' union of the Thanjuvar district created the backbone for the Tamil Nadu Democratic Women's Association (DWA) when it formed in 1974,' says Armstrong. In the founding convention of the Tamil Nadu DWA in 1974, she further notes, Dalit women activists from Thanjavur constituted half of its membership of 27,000 women. However, with the 25 accused in the murder case, including Naidu, being acquitted, the alleged role of the bureaucracy and local administration in refusing to act against the upper castes had become increasingly evident. According to Teltumbde, the 'extreme caste-class prejudices of India's judges' had been apparent since the Kilvenmani massacre. According to the 1973 Economic and Political Weekly article, 'The evidence did not enable Their Lordships to identify and punish the guilty'. The 'Gentlemen Killers of Kilvenmani' article notes how the (Madras) High Court ruled that it was beneath the dignity of the landlords to stain their hands with the blood of the lowly; such an act, they reasoned, was inconsistent with their social standing. A man who owned 'extensive lands,' and 'a car,' the court opined, could not possibly be so insensitive. 'In brief, gentlemen farmers will also be gentlemen killers,' the article reads. Although relegated to the pages of history, the Kilvenmani massacre remains one of independent India's first and harshest caste-based violence. The memorial at the village honours the lives lost and also stands as testimony to how justice was denied to the victims. Ironically, not much has changed in Kilvenmani even today. 'Kilvenmani is caught in a time capsule, where most of the villagers are landless,' Kumar A notes in his article. Nikita writes for the Research Section of focusing on the intersections between colonial history and contemporary issues, especially in gender, culture, and sport. For suggestions, feedback, or an insider's guide to exploring Calcutta, feel free to reach out to her at ... Read More

Trump appellate court nominee defends experience at US Senate hearing
Trump appellate court nominee defends experience at US Senate hearing

Hindustan Times

time6 days ago

  • Hindustan Times

Trump appellate court nominee defends experience at US Senate hearing

* Whitney Hermandorfer is nominated to 6th Circuit * Democrats question Hermandorfer on her experience, birthright citizenship case * Four Missouri nominees also were considered June 4 - A former clerk to three conservative U.S. Supreme Court justices who was chosen by President Donald Trump to become a federal appeals court judge faced questions from U.S. lawmakers on Wednesday about her youth and her support of the Republican president's order curtailing birthright citizenship. Whitney Hermandorfer, 37, tapped to serve on the Cincinnati-based 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, defended her record at the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee's first hearing on judicial nominees since Trump returned to office in January. "The cases have come fast and furiously, and I've been privileged to handle a number of nationally significant matters," Hermandorfer, a lawyer serving under Tennessee's Republican attorney general, said. The hearing comes as judges in dozens of cases have slowed or blocked some of Trump's initiatives to dramatically expand presidential authority and slash the federal bureaucracy, prompting calls from Trump and his allies for judges to be impeached or accusing them of being part of a "judicial coup." Hermandorfer is the first of Trump's 11 judicial nominees so far to appear before the Republican panel, as the White House looks to further reshape a judiciary whose members have stymied key parts of his agenda. Four nominees to serve as trial court judges in Missouri appeared before the panel later on Wednesday. Trump shifted the ideological balance of the judiciary to the right in his first term with a near-record 234 appointments, including three members of the Supreme Court's 6-3 conservative majority. Hermandorfer clerked for Justices Samuel Alito and Amy Coney Barrett, and clerked for Justice Brett Kavanaugh while he was a judge on a federal appeals court in Washington, D.C. Today, she heads a strategic litigation unit in Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti's office, where she has defended the state's near-total abortion ban and challenged a rule adopted under former Democratic President Joe Biden barring discrimination against transgender students. Republican senators appeared likely to advance her nomination to the full Senate for its consideration, even as Democrats raised questions about the positions she'd taken in court and the 37-year-old's level of experience just a decade out of law school. "I am concerned about the striking brevity of your professional record," Democratic Senator Chris Coons said. He noted that the American Bar Association had long had a standard deeming judicial nominees qualified only if they had at least 12 years of experience. Several Democrats criticized the Trump administration for deciding last week to cut off the legal organization's decades-old ability to vet judicial nominees as part of its ratings process. Republicans welcomed the move, accusing the nonpartisan group of bias against conservatives. Hermandorfer said that while as an appellate lawyer she had never tried a case to a jury verdict, she had litigated over 100 appellate cases and argued four federal appeals. "That sounds like quite a bit of experience," Republican Senator Josh Hawley said. Democratic Senator Dick Durbin, the top Democrat on the committee, questioned Hermandorfer on a recent brief she filed on behalf of the state of Tennessee to the U.S. Supreme Court supporting the Trump administration's bid to let his executive order on birthright citizenship to take effect. Trump's order directed federal agencies to refuse to recognize the citizenship of U.S.-born children who do not have at least one parent who is a citizen or lawful permanent resident. The Supreme Court is weighing whether to narrow nationwide injunctions blocking enforcement of that order that were issued by three judges who concluded it clearly violated the citizenship clause of the U.S. Constitution's 14th Amendment. Hermandorfer told Durbin that her office felt the justices should be provided information about evidence that she said showed that the 14th Amendment as originally interpreted after it was ratified in 1868 called into question whether the constitutionality of Trump's order was an "open and shut case." "I stand by completely those arguments and the historical sources that we advanced to the court," she said.

100 Democrats urge Trump officials to restore deportation relief for Afghans in the US
100 Democrats urge Trump officials to restore deportation relief for Afghans in the US

Indian Express

time6 days ago

  • Indian Express

100 Democrats urge Trump officials to restore deportation relief for Afghans in the US

A group of 100 Democratic lawmakers has urged the Trump administration to reverse its decision to end Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Afghans in the US, warning it would endanger thousands of lives by sending them back to Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. In a letter addressed to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the lawmakers wrote, 'The grave conditions that forced Afghan nationals to flee and seek refuge in the US following the return of the Taliban to power remain.' They added, 'Forcing Afghan nationals in the US to return to Afghanistan would be reckless and inhumane, and would threaten the safety and well-being of thousands of individuals and families, especially women and girls.' Led by Senator Chris Van Hollen, Senator Amy Klobuchar, and Representative Glenn Ivey, the lawmakers urged the administration to reinstate TPS protections. TPS provides temporary deportation relief and work authorisation for immigrants from countries experiencing armed conflict, natural disasters, or other extraordinary conditions that prevent safe return. DHS announced in May that it would terminate TPS for Afghans by July 14, arguing that conditions had improved and continued presence was against national interests. Roughly 11,700 Afghans are currently enrolled in TPS, though about 3,600 have secured green cards. The Trump administration has already ended TPS protections for some 350,000 Venezuelans and moved to end the program for thousands of Cameroonians, raising broader concerns about the future of TPS protections for vulnerable immigrant groups.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store