logo
A decade of marriage equality in Ireland

A decade of marriage equality in Ireland

Indian Express22-05-2025

Ten years ago, on May 22, 2015, the people of Ireland made history. We became the first country in the world to provide for marriage equality rights by popular referendum. For a formerly conservative (and some might even say 'narrow-minded') society, it was like a revolution.
I remember that day like it was yesterday. I was watching the live TV coverage of the voter count. So evident was the bursting public pride, joy and unbridled happiness that I bundled my then 10-year-old son on a train from Dun Laoghaire and we went into the city centre, Dublin Castle, where the results were announced. I wanted us to soak up the atmosphere and for my son to witness history. Buses and cars were blowing their horns. People of all ages were hugging each other and dancing in the streets. It felt like something amazing had happened and that Ireland would never be the same again.
This is because it was more than just a legal milestone — it was a powerful affirmation by the Irish public (my mother, my aunts, my cousins, my neighbours) that love is equal, and that every person deserves to live with dignity regardless of their sexual orientation. Just a month later, in the same year, the Gender Recognition Act came into force, enabling transgender people in Ireland to self-declare their gender on official documents.
These transformative changes did not happen overnight. They were a result of decades of activism and tireless work by civil society. LGBTQIA+ campaigners brought their lived experience — stories of discrimination, oppression and violence — to the national conversation. It was years of debate, strategising, protests, court hearings, meetings, fundraising, deliberative democracy structures, and building community networks that ultimately evolved into the referendum campaign. Communities were mobilised and appeals were made to the Irish public focusing on the values of fairness, inclusion, and respect.
People like my parents, born in the 1930s, in a very different Ireland, listened. Their courage ultimately shaped the Ireland we know today — an Ireland that is more open, more compassionate, and freer for all its people.
It is important to note that the journey of change began long before 2015. Same-sex sexual relations between consenting males were decriminalised in 1993 — a turning point that helped pave the way for progress. Since then, Ireland has steadily dismantled barriers to equality to not only protect but also improve the lives of the LGBTQIA+ community.
The struggle for equality continues. In November 2023, Ireland published its National LGBTQI+ Inclusion Strategy, which contains over 100 actions that are aimed at promoting inclusion, protecting rights and improving the quality of life and wellbeing of LGBTQIA+ people. Ireland believes that each person, regardless of sexual orientation, gender identity, or any other characteristic, is entitled to equality, dignity, and the full enjoyment of their rights.
But we are also deeply aware that LGBTQIA+ rights are under threat in many parts of the world. It is unacceptable that individuals continue to face discrimination, harassment, and even violence — sometimes fatal — simply for being who they are. The universality of human rights cannot be realised if the rights of LGBTQIA+ people are not protected. Under international law, all states have a duty to respect, protect, and fulfil human rights without discrimination, regardless of political or cultural context.
As an Irish public servant, I am proud to say that promoting and protecting civil society and human rights defenders is one of Ireland's core foreign policy priorities. This is based on our own experience of social progress and the journey we ourselves have travelled.
Since the Marriage Equality Referendum, Ireland is a more open and freer place. Our experience has shown us what is possible when people are empowered to speak, organise, and lead. These values now underpin our global engagement — including our role in promoting LGBTQIA+ rights internationally.
As we mark this anniversary, we do so not just with pride in how far we have come, but with renewed determination to keep moving forward. Ireland will continue to stand for equality, inclusion, and the universality of human rights — for LGBTQIA+ communities and for all people, everywhere.
There is a wonderful Irish saying that goes 'Ní neart go cur le chéile' which means we are stronger when we act together. The journey is not over —but our commitment is unwavering, and our hope is strong.
The writer is Ambassador of Ireland to India

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Nationalist ideology and the slippery slide into fascism
Nationalist ideology and the slippery slide into fascism

Scroll.in

time10 hours ago

  • Scroll.in

Nationalist ideology and the slippery slide into fascism

Nationalism is typically seen as the preserve of right-wing politics, and it has long been a cornerstone of authoritarian and fascist governments around the world. In democratic countries the term 'nationalism' is linked to national chauvinism – a belief in the inherent superiority of one's own nation and its citizens – but the picture is more complex than it first seems. For starters, there is little to differentiate patriotism from nationalism except for degree of intensity. Most of us, however, can recognise the difference between love for one's own homeland and the harsher, often exclusive or xenophobic tenets of extreme nationalism. Patriotism is a low degree nationalism, but radical nationalism often turns into xenophobia. The picture is further complicated by substate or minority nationalism, an entirely different beast often associated more with left-wing and progressive ideals. Many political parties and ideologies – in Europe, the Americas and elsewhere – use the term 'nationalist' without any connotations of far-right beliefs. Instead, they present the nation as an emancipatory force that strives to achieve self-determination for a particular territory. Examples include the National Party in Suriname (founded in 1946), the Basque Nationalist Party (1895), the Scottish National Party (1934) and the Galician Nationalist Bloc (1982). Some of Europe's prominent left-wing movements, such as Irish party Sinn Féin, are fervently nationalist, while others, such as the Welsh Plaid Cymru, embrace eco-socialist principles. This does not mean that minority or substate nationalisms are immune to the influence of the radical right. Belgian party Vlaams Belang and the Catalan Alliance are two contemporary examples of far-right minority nationalism. Looking further back, the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Flemish National Union occupied similar political space during the interwar period. Despite these nuances, nationalist ideology can often slide easily into fascism. The resurgence of ethnic nationalism in the late 20th century has also reinforced this association, often channelled through the concepts of nativism and populism to bring about movements as diverse as Trump's 'Make America Great Again', Putin's irredentism and Hindutva nationalism in India. Few would question fascism's emphasis on the nation, or that nationalism is a pillar of any fascist worldview. However, the relationship between nationalism and fascism remains underexplored. My research aims to remedy this by looking closely at the link between the various conceptions of nation and the ideological contents of fascism. Ethnic nationalism Fascist ideology has often been regarded as the inevitable outcome of 19th-century forms of ethnic nationalism. Spurred by European imperialism and the Great War, the principle of the nation became increasingly chauvinistic, racist and xenophobic. This ethnic turn of nationalism would be decisive in making it an instrument of fascism, as well as a core argument of the diverse versions of the radical right, from 'fascistised' conservatism to more blatant forms of authoritarian government. In most theories of fascism, nationalism is implicitly linked to a single-issue expression that conceives the nation as an organic reality, one where the criteria for inclusion are based on 'objective' truths such as language, blood and soil, history and tradition. However, elements such as ancestry, history and territory are certainly not exclusive to fascist or authoritarian concepts of the nation. Many of those ingredients can also be found in liberal and Republican definitions of the nation, which usually take for granted the 'cultural community' within whose ethnic and territorial borders the community of citizens would be built. Indeed, many of Europe's rising progressive political forces – such as Sinn Féin in Ireland – can trace back their origins to radical nationalism in the early 20th century but promote a tolerant, open view of society that is the antithesis of fascism. It is therefore true that every fascist is a nationalist, but not every nationalist is, even potentially, a fascist. This raises the question of exactly how fascism harnesses nationalism to achieve its aims. In my view, there is a specifically fascist concept, and usage, of nationalism. Fascist nationalism Fascists see the nation as a single organic entity binding people together, not just by their ancestry but also by the triumph of will. As such, it is the driving, unifying force that mobilises the masses towards a shared goal. But fascists also have to appropriate nationalism for their own ends. In order to serve fascism, the concept of nation has to be coherent with the main tenets of fascist ideology: the idea of revolution, the corporatist imagination of social order, the purity of race (defined in either biological or cultural terms) and the social relevance of irrational values. The diversity of nationalist traditions also accounts for much of fascism's geographical heterogeneity. Although the components provided by nationalism are old, fascism combined them to create something new. This created what is known as the 'generic' fascist concept of the nation, which can be broken down into at least five specific characteristics: A paramilitary view of social ties and the national character: The nation exists in a permanent state of military readiness, meaning the martial values of discipline, unity of command and sacrifice are placed above all individual rights. The whole social order and the nature of its bonds are cast in a paramilitary mould, meaning society itself becomes a barracks. This also accounts for fascism's strong tendency towards territorial expansionism, the pursuit of empire and war – these all provide a common cause to keep the nation permanently united and mobilised. A Darwinian 'survival of the fittest' view of national and international society: This leads to the exclusion of others (defined variously by traits such as race, culture, language, and so on), the belief in the limitless sovereignty of one's own nation, and the justification of violence against its enemies, both internal and external. This leads to imperialism as a natural consequence of the affirmative character of the nation. The nation above all else, including religion: Fascist governments have always been, in theory, independent from religion. Wherever they seized power, most fascist movements arrived at some sort of agreement with the Church, but fascism ascribes God and religion a subordinate place (either explicitly or implicitly) within its hierarchy of principles. The nation is always at the top. Unity of state, culture and nation: As far as the relationship between the nation and the state is concerned, the fascist nation is neither above nor beneath the state. It is both identified with the state, and transcends it: a 'national-statism'. Blind belief in a charismatic leader: The idea of the fascist nation requires absolute trust in a singular, all-powerful leader. In Nazi Germany this was known as the Führerprinzip, the idea that the word of the Führer transcended any written law. This transforms the 19th-century figure of the national hero or founding father into something far more transcendent. The fascist leader assimilates and embodies the qualities of all the national heroes who came before.

Empowering youth is key to tackling teen pregnancy
Empowering youth is key to tackling teen pregnancy

Hindustan Times

time17 hours ago

  • Hindustan Times

Empowering youth is key to tackling teen pregnancy

A mental health change's being led by LGBTQIA+ communities {"top_p":0.95,"frequency_penalty":0,"max_tokens":4000,"presence_penalty":0,"temperature":0.7,"messages":[{"role":"system","content":"As an editor of a news outlet, can you share a summary of this article not more than 60 words.: India's mental health crisis is quietly escalating. With a suicide rate of 12.6 per 100,000 people, ranked among the worst 50 in the world, the urgency is clear. Yet, our understanding remains limited. The last national mental health survey was conducted in 2015-16, revealing a ratio of just 0.75 psychiatrists per 1 lakh people—substantially lower than WHO's recommendation of 3. While mental health services have expanded in the years since, access remains deeply unequal. Stigma continues to cast a long shadow: Unlike physical health, seeking mental health care is still met with silence, shame, and social discomfort. For LGBTQIA+ communities, the gaps are starker. Stigma, discrimination, and social exclusion compound mental health distress—particularly for queer and trans youth. Though they face some of the harshest realities, they remain largely absent from mainstream solutions. This exclusion is rooted in a long history of pathologisation. Until 1973, the American Psychological Association classified homosexuality as a mental illness. In India, the Indian Psychiatric Society only formally rejected this framing in 2018. The legacy of this stigma endures. There remains a scarcity of queer-affirmative mental health professionals, often leaving LGBTQIA+ individuals vulnerable to retraumatisation or bias when they seek care. The mental health burden among LGBTQIA+ communities in India is disproportionately high and deeply shaped by structural barriers. Studies consistently show elevated rates of depression, anxiety, substance use, and suicide – pointing to a public health crisis rooted in exclusion and neglect. Discrimination from families, service providers, and institutions compounds this distress. For queer and trans youth, rejection and violence often begin at home. A 2018 study by the National Human Rights Commission found that only 2% of trans people in India live with their parents. Even within mental health systems, spaces meant to offer care, bias persists, with practices like conversion therapy still reported. In the absence of safe and affirming support, many LGBTQIA+ individuals are left to navigate distress alone, often in environments that invisibilise their identities and experiences. With formal mental health services often limited in their reach and inclusivity, community-led responses are stepping up to provide vital support. Across the globe, LGBTQIA+ movements have long drawn strength from networks of mutual care, and India is no exception. A growing ecosystem of queer-led grassroots non-profits is offering low-cost, accessible, and queer-affirming mental health solutions. From peer helplines and safe spaces to training programmes for care providers, these initiatives center lived experience and cultural relevance. Their work addresses critical gaps in the system and offers a model for how community expertise can work alongside formal structures to build more inclusive and responsive ecosystems of care. On the ground, care is local, immediate and expansive. Non-profits like Ya All in the Northeast and Vikalp in rural Gujarat are building vital community ecosystems in underserved geographies, providing queer and trans youth essential support where few alternatives exist. Organizations like Sappho for Equality in Kolkata and Humsafar Trust in Mumbai began as small community groups, and have since grown into hubs for mental healthcare, community support, and research and capacity-building. In contexts where state and private care remain inadequate or inaccessible, these initiatives demonstrate how community-rooted approaches can grow and scale even in resource-constrained settings. This growing ecosystem of community-led care underscores a critical need for greater support, one that Indian philanthropy is beginning to respond to. Philanthropic foundations such as the Mariwala Health Initiative (MHI), Azim Premji Foundation, and Rohini Nilekani Philanthropies have recognised mental health as a critical area of investment. MHI, a first-mover in queer affirming mental health, has trained over 500 mental health professionals through its Queer Affirmative Counselling Practices (QACP) programme and supported grassroots organizations through sustained and flexible grantmaking. Newer initiatives like the Pride Fund India are helping expand the ecosystem, spotlighting urgent links between mental health and LGBTQIA+ equity. Sustaining this momentum will require a shift in mindset. Queer mental health work is long-term, iterative, and not easily captured in short-term metrics, yet it is foundational to building an inclusive and empathetic India. Domestic funders are uniquely positioned to invest in community-rooted, context-specific models of care. At the intersection of mental health and LGBTQIA+ inclusion, philanthropy has an important role to play in challenging marginalisation and supporting long-overdue systems change. Doing so will require flexible funding, trust in local leadership, and meaningful partnerships with communities as co-creators of solutions. Today, more than half the non-profits advancing LGBTQIA+ equity in India are led by the communities they serve. Forged in resistance and sustained by care, these organisations carry histories, respond to urgent needs, and create new futures. A decade of policy gains and growing public visibility has opened new windows of opportunity, but without sustained investment, they risk closing. Philanthropic investment in queer-affirming mental health offers a pathway toward a more dignified future—one where queer and trans communities are not only supported, but empowered to shape the very systems that once excluded them. With sustained support, community-rooted responses can move from survival to stability—deepening, growing, and enduring as drivers of lasting change. This article is authored by Radhika Piramal, executive vice chairperson, VIP Industries Ltd and Pratyaksha Jha, researcher and strategist, Dasra."}]}

‘Game of Thrones' star Liam Cunningham embodies Sir Davos on aid mission to Gaza
‘Game of Thrones' star Liam Cunningham embodies Sir Davos on aid mission to Gaza

The Hindu

time21 hours ago

  • The Hindu

‘Game of Thrones' star Liam Cunningham embodies Sir Davos on aid mission to Gaza

Irish actor Liam Cunningham, known globally for his role as Sir Davos Seaworth in Game of Thrones, has joined a high-risk humanitarian mission to Gaza. Cunningham is sailing aboard the Madleen, a vessel launched by the Freedom Flotilla Coalition (FFC) from Sicily, Italy, on Sunday. The mission aims to deliver essential aid to Palestinians in Gaza and challenge the Israeli blockade that has left millions struggling to survive. Also aboard the Madleen is climate activist Greta Thunberg and EU lawmaker Rima Hassan, along with members of several humanitarian groups. The voyage follows a similar attempt in May when another FFC vessel, The Conscience, was severely damaged by a suspected drone strike off Malta's coast. That ship was forced to abandon its journey after catching fire. The FFC accused Israel of the attack, though the Israeli government has not confirmed or denied involvement. Meet some of the panelists, volunteers and supporters joining the launch of 'Madleen' in Catania, Sicily about to sail to break Israel's illegal siege of Gaza. ⛵️#AllEyesOnDeck#BreakTheSiegehttps:// — Freedom Flotilla Coalition (@GazaFFlotilla) May 29, 2025 Before setting sail, Cunningham addressed reporters, expressing concern for the safety of those aboard and hoping the mission would not be targeted. 'If anything happens to the boat, it's not a confrontation – it's a deliberate attack,' he said. The 63-year-old actor has long spoken out on Palestinian issues. In a statement before the launch, he said: 'Sure, I could lead a comfortable life & simply enjoy my success, but my conscience won't let me. I have to speak out.' He also criticised the inaction of those who are aware of the suffering but remain silent. 'The option to say you didn't know is not an option. You did know and you did nothing.' His decision to join the mission has drawn comparisons to his Game of Thrones character, known as the 'Onion Knight,' who famously smuggled food into the besieged Westerosi capital city of King's Landing. In real life, Cunningham now attempts to deliver supplies to a besieged Gaza. Greta Thunberg also condemned the lack of international response to the humanitarian crisis. 'The world cannot be silent bystanders,' she said. 'We are seeing a systematic starvation of 2 million people. Every single one of us has a moral obligation to do everything we can to fight for a free Palestine.' The current mission comes after Israel imposed a complete blockade on Gaza in early March following the collapse of a ceasefire with Hamas. Although Israel eased restrictions last week under international pressure, the United Nations described the aid allowed in as merely a 'drop in the ocean.' The Madleen's journey is part protest and part relief effort. Supporters include United Nations Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, who praised the passengers' courage and called on world governments to ensure their protection.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store