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Time of India
22 minutes ago
- Time of India
Cabinet okays bill that seeks to ban ‘online money game'
NEW DELHI: Cabinet on Tuesday approved a bill that seeks to ban "online money game", where users pay a fee or deposit money, proposing a maximum three years in jail or fine of up to Rs 1 crore for those involved in offering, encouraging or inducing players to participate, which also extends to banks facilitating these transactions. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now At the same time, Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Bill, which will be introduced in Lok Sabha on Wednesday, seeks to promote e-sports and online social games where no money is involved. A regulator body is planned to oversee the functioning of the sector, sources told TOI. The proposed legislation defines "online money game" as an online game played by a user by paying fees, depositing money or other stakes in expectation of winning. 2 years' jail, ₹50L fine likely for those advertising online games Online social games have been defined as those that don't involve exchange of money, although users may be allowed to pay a subscription or one-time access fee. Govt has proposed the new law considering unregulated online money gaming platforms pose threats to national and economic security as they use digital wallets and cryptocurrencies for money laundering and illicit money transfer, cross-border data flows without compliance of data protection law, sources said. Moreover, offshore entities are seen to be circumventing tax and legal obligations. The proposed legislation also assumes significance as online money gaming poses serious concerns, including addiction among children and youth, mental health issues, financial losses leading to suicides and lack of uniform regulation across states. Law enforcing agencies face problems in tracking and regulating these platforms, particularly those hosted or operated from outside India. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Sources said the govt proposes penalties of up to two years in jail or with a maximum fine of Rs 50 lakh or both for any entity advertising such games in media. For those offering online money games and banks engaged in transactions face violations of the proposed law will be "cognisable and non-bailable" offences. Every subsequent violation after conviction would attract penalties of at least three years' jail and fine of Rs 10-20 lakh. In the case of advertisers, such penalties would be 2-3 years in jail and fine of Rs 5-10 lakh. The bill proposes to hold senior executives of the companies liable, if it's established that the offences have been committed with the consent or connivance or due to their neglect. It also proposes blocking of platforms and money gaming services, if the entities or individuals fail to comply with the law. According to the proposal, the bill seeks to encourage Indian startups to build culturally relevant content, reduce dependence on foreign platforms and promote self-reliance in the digital gaming ecosystem.
Hindustan Times
37 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
‘Love is not penal': SC on minor couples in genuine romantic relationships
'Love is not penal, and it cannot become one,' the Supreme Court asserted on Tuesday, underlining that young couples, even those just short of attaining majority, must be 'left alone' if they have entered into genuine romantic relationships. The Supreme Court bench noted that there is a distinction between exploitative criminal conduct and 'romantic bonds' between teenagers. (HT Photo) A bench of justices BV Nagarathna and R Mahadevan made the remarks while hearing a batch of petitions that sought guidelines to prevent misuse of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act in cases where minors engage in consensual relationships. During the proceedings, the court also dismissed petitions by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) and the National Commission for Women (NCW) challenging Punjab and Haryana high court orders that recognised the validity of marriages of Muslim girls after attaining puberty. The bench said the commissions had 'no locus standi' in such matters, remarking: 'It is strange that NCPCR, which is for protecting children, has challenged an order protecting two children…Leave these couples alone.' ALSO READ | Rape FIR under POCSO can't be quashed based on compromise or marriage: Punjab and Haryana HC Personal laws in Islam allow a Muslim girl to enter into a contract of marriage after attaining puberty whereas a set of common civil and criminal laws in India proscribes the marriage of girls under 18 and further makes sexual intercourse with minors a penal offence. With the dismissal, a January 2023 order of the top court that the high court ruling should not be treated as precedent also came to an end. During the Tuesday hearing, the bench noted that while POCSO remains a vital tool to protect children against sexual abuse, there is a distinction between exploitative criminal conduct and 'romantic bonds' between teenagers. 'Can you say it is criminal to love?' Justice Nagarathna asked, cautioning that prosecuting adolescents for consensual relationships inflicted lasting trauma. Appearing for petitioner NGO Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), senior advocate HS Phoolka pressed for safeguards to ensure that leniency in such cases is not abused, suggesting for instance that the age gap between minors in relationships be capped at three years. Phoolka also assailed a 2022 circular by the Tamil Nadu director general of Police directing the police officials to not show haste in effecting an arrest of the accused in consensual relationships, saying such mandates were prone to be misused and minors getting trafficked. But the bench was emphatic that investigators can look into the facts of each case. 'It has to be examined on a case-by-case basis. Why do you want to prosecute everyone? Every case is different, and police have to investigate, apply their mind, and segregate genuine cases from those that should be prosecuted,' the court said. ALSO READ | Adolescence, consent & the grey zone for Pocso The bench highlighted the misuse of POCSO provisions by parents who file cases when daughters elope, often citing 'honour' as the pretext. 'Many such cases are filed by the girls' parents to so-called protect their honour. There will be honour killings if we start treating all such cases as crimes,' it warned. 'Look at the trauma when a boy has to be lodged in jail or face prosecution despite having a consensual relationship with a girl who is on the verge of attaining majority…We have to keep the realities of society in mind,' said the court. The bench also reflected on the social realities of adolescent life: 'Girls and boys study together, spend time together. They can develop feelings for each other and have romantic relationships. Where there are genuine romantic relationships; where they want to get married or want to be together…why should they be stopped?' The same bench also refused to entertain different petitions filed by NCPCR and the National Commission for Women (NCW), which had challenged separate high court orders on the issue. In one case, the bodies had assailed a Punjab and Haryana high court judgment, which held that Muslim girls are legally old enough to marry once they reach puberty at the age of 15; in another, the high court had handed custody of a minor girl to her adult husband following a habeas corpus plea. The bench said that NCPCR or NCW had no locus (legal standing) to interfere in these personal matters. 'NCPCR has no locus standi to challenge such orders,' the bench held. It further remarked: 'It is strange that the NCPCR, which is for protecting the children, has challenged an order protecting two children. How can we set aside protection orders of a high court? Leave these couples alone.' With the NCPCR's petitions getting disposed of on Tuesday, a January 2023 order by a previous bench of the Supreme Court that the Punjab and Haryana high court judgment shall not be treated as a legal precedent also ends. The court's observations come against the backdrop of multiple pending pleas, including those filed by BBA and NCPCR, that grapple with whether the statutory age of consent at 18 under POCSO should be revisited. Senior advocate Rajshekhar Rao assisted the court as amicus curiae. In separate proceedings, the Union government last month adduced its submissions in the top court, opposing any move to lower the age of consent under POCSO or introduce exceptions for adolescent relationships. As reported first by HT on July 24, the government told the court that such dilution, 'even in the name of reform or adolescent autonomy,' would dismantle the statutory shield meant to safeguard minors and risk opening the door to child abuse. It added that the current threshold of 18 years must remain 'strictly and uniformly enforced' to maintain the integrity of child protection laws and uphold the best interests of minors. ALSO READ | Mutual acts of love between minor couple not sexual assault under POCSO, says HC HT's analysis of government data, presented as part of its written submissions, revealed a stark disparity between the number of juveniles and young adults charged under rape and child sexual abuse laws and the relatively small proportion who are eventually convicted, throwing focus on the ongoing debate over the age of consent and its unintended consequences. Between 2018 and 2022, only 468 juveniles aged 16-18 were convicted under Section 376 (rape) of the Indian Penal Code, despite more than 4,900 being booked across the country in the same period , a conviction rate of just 9.55%. For charges under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, just 855 convictions were recorded out of 6,892 cases during the same period , a rate of only 12.4%. The corresponding numbers for young adults aged 18-22 tell a similar story. While 52,471 were arrested under these stringent laws during this period, only 6,093 were convicted under POCSO, a conviction rate of just 11.61%. Of 24,306 arrested between 2018 and 2022 for rape, only 2,585 young adults were convicted under Section 376 of the Indian Penal Code, amounting to just 10.63%.
Indian Express
37 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Operation Sindoor a military success, tech breakthrough, political message all rolled into one: NCERT's new module
THE PAHALHAM attack was 'directly ordered by Pakistan's military and political leadership', and the Indian Air Force 'took out command and control centres, radars, surface-to-air guided weapons, runways, and hangars with aircraft' during Operation Sindoor, breaching Pakistan's air defence and 'creating visible gaps that the world saw', according to the NCERT's new module on Operation Sindoor for school students. It refers to Operation Sindoor as a 'military success, a technological breakthrough, and a political message all rolled into one'. Two modules have been released – one for the preparatory (classes 3 to 5) and middle stage (classes 6 to 8), and another for the secondary stage (classes 9 to 12). The NCERT's modules – separate from the textbooks — are short publications on specific topics that schools can use as an additional resource. In the form of a conversation between the teacher and students, the module for the secondary stage – 'Operation Sindoor – A Mission of Honour and Bravery' – states that since Independence, Pakistan 'has often tried to disturb peace in India – sometimes through war, and at other times, through terrorism'. In 2019, Article 370 was abrogated, paving the way for development in Jammu and Kashmir, including improved infrastructure, upgraded schools, and direct rail links connecting the region more closely with the rest of India, the module says, adding: '…by 2023, Kashmir saw the highest number of tourists ever. People were living in peace. But unfortunately, Pakistan was not ready to accept this progress.' 'After years of calm', in April 2025, terrorists attacked tourists in Pahalgam, killing 26 innocent people. The terrorists' 'goal' was to create fear and religious tension, going by the module, and Operation Sindoor was a 'strong and clear response to that cowardly attack.' Before it goes into Operation Sindoor, the module features a section on the 2019 Pulwama attack, and India's response in the form of the Balakot air strike. It specifies that India chose to target terrorist camps, not civilian areas. On the Pahalgam attack, the module states: 'TRF (The Resistance Front) first claimed responsibility, then denied it four days later. But India's National Investigation Agency confirmed the group was behind it— with solid evidence and eyewitness accounts. Indian agencies found that the attack was a well-planned conspiracy led by Pakistan's ISI and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). It was directly ordered by Pakistan's military and political leadership.' In addition to the details of Operation Sindoor, the module refers to 'a coordinated and extensive exercise' taken to 'reach out diplomatically by our missions abroad.' Pointing to Operating Sindoor as a strategic move that 'told the world – India will protect its people and values' and 'restored faith in our armed forces and reassured citizens that justice would not be delayed', the module refers to the Indian Armed Forces' planning – pinpointing terrorist infrastructure, choosing the right weapons for precision strikes, setting the date and time for the attack, and strategically moving naval assets forward. The armed forces were directed to identify multiple targets related to terrorism, minimise civilian casualties, and gather evidence after the strike. The nine targets that were attacked were directly linked to terror networks threatening India, it states. Pakistan then resorted to ceasefire violations all along the Line of Control, and 'escalated the conflict by attacking our bases, logistic nodes, forward posts all along the Line of Control and Army formation headquarters – some using Unmanned Aerial Systems, or UAS'. The module refers to India's defence systems: 'Our integrated air defence grid and Counter-UAS grid were already in place. These systems—like the S-400, MRSAM, AKASH, and traditional air defence guns—proved highly effective. Along with legacy platforms like Pechora, L-70, ZU-23 and OSA-AK, we created a layered defence.' On May 8, India targeted select Pakistani air defence systems and sensor networks using precision air launched munitions, and 'it was a calibrated response—sending a strong message while avoiding civilian population.' Pakistan's ceasefire violations continued on May 9, and they intensified attacks not only on military sites, but also schools, religious places, and civilian infrastructure, killing 14 Indian civilians, it added. The Indian army 'neutralized 35-40 Pakistani Army personnel.' In another attack on May 10, Pakistan targeted Indian Air Force bases, army ammo depots and cantonments, but 'not one critical Indian asset was damaged.' 'The Indian Air Force took out command and control centres, radars, surface-to-air guided weapons, runways and hangars with aircrafts. The response shook Pakistani establishment as our airstrike breached their air defence, creating visible gaps that the world saw,' the module reads. It also refers to the Indian Navy's contribution in asserting maritime dominance by deploying its Carrier Battle Group 'with Integral MiG-29K fighter jets, early warning helicopters, and surveillance systems in the North Arabian Sea, to protect Indian maritime interest and prevent any misadventure by Pakistan in the maritime domain.' Pointing to the use of Indian-made systems, the module states that Operation Sindoor was a symbol of technological self-reliance. '…it also shows we don't depend on foreign tech anymore. We are building our own systems, and they're actually working when it counts,' it added.
