
FamilyBoost Fizzer
Prospective voters were told it was expected to help 130,000 low and middle-income families, boosting after-tax pay by up to $75 each week.
But only 60,000 families have benefited, and in the first nine months of the scheme only 249 families consistently got the full $75 a week.
In the election campaign, FamilyBoost was sold to the public as a rebate system which would be administered by the Inland Revenue Department "with rebates paid directly to parents on a fortnightly basis".
Information on childcare expenditure would be provided to IRD directly by childcare providers using existing systems, making the process simple for providers and seamless for parents, according to the campaign document.
But the party had not done its homework.
As the IRD pointed out in its regulatory impact statement (RIS) on the proposal "administering a childcare tax credit as outlined in pre-election documents requires access to fees information that is linked to individual parents or caregivers, the children in their care, and to their family income for a broad segment of society. Currently no government agency has this fees information."
We would be surprised if this could not have been checked before the party flogged its policy to voters.
Rather than wait for a direct payments system to be developed, the government was understandably keen to find a way to deliver its promise.
It came up with a system whereby eligible families have to pay their fees up front but then can make a claim for part of them. This requires collecting three months of receipts from the early childhood education (ECE) centre and sending them to IRD.
This was criticised for being too onerous and not providing the immediate boost to family funds struggling parents might have been hoping for.
Finance Minister Nicola Willis has tried to put a brave face on the debacle, but it was only when information about the low uptake came out in April, she said she would be looking at making changes to the scheme.
She has seemed keen to blame IRD for over-estimating how many families would qualify for the full rebate (21,000) but IRD made it clear in its RIS the information available was patchy.
It said lack of comprehensive ECE fees data from any government agency required it to make assumptions about the severity of the policy problem and the factors causing it, as well as the impact of different options.
"This makes it difficult for any government agency to provide advice on how effective existing or new interventions are on the overall affordability of ECE."
There will be hopes the changes to the scheme will enable it to benefit far more families, as the proportion of fees which can be claimed has increased from 25% to 40%. The maximum payment is now $120 a week (this would only be available to those paying $300 or more in fees weekly).
The amount families can earn yearly to be eligible has increased from $180,000 to $229,000.
This has already prompted criticism the scheme will benefit high income earners disproportionately as they already access ECE more because they can afford to.
The Office of Early Childhood Education, which was asked for its ideas on the scheme, suggested a rebate of 25% for higher income households and a 50% one for those on lower incomes.
It also wanted the rebate cap of $975 a quarter to be per child, rather than per family.
Concerns, widely expressed, around the claiming process have not abated.
Ms Willis says further work will be done on longer term improvements including ECE providers giving fees information directly to the IRD.
The scheme is among the plethora of funding programmes which will be examined in the Early Childhood Education Funding Review announced last month and due to report to the government in about a year.
It remains to be seen whether any of its findings will help political parties come up with realistic and comprehensive early childhood funding policies rather than the poorly planned and executed FamilyBoost.
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Otago Daily Times
2 hours ago
- Otago Daily Times
ACT's campaign calculus to 'keep the govt' and its edge
By Craig McCulloch of RNZ Analysis: For the ACT Party, the challenge this term has been - and remains - how to stand apart from its coalition partners without pulling apart the government. That tension has ebbed and flowed - most clearly on display during the Treaty Principles debate and now re-emerging around the Regulatory Standards Bill. But ACT's annual rally on Sunday gave a clear indication of how the party intends to navigate the tightrope for the remaining 15 or so months. For one, leader David Seymour centred his keynote speech on the cost-of-living, a recognition that that remains the biggest risk to the coalition's re-election. Of course, he did it in distinct ACT-style, making a comparison with his Cabinet colleagues' recent criticisms of the big banks, supermarkets or power companies. "It would be the easiest thing in the world... to write and give a speech saying they're crooked and they need to be punished somehow," Seymour told supporters. "But that would be the curse of zero sum thinking." Though Seymour denied it later, it was hard not to see the comment as a veiled criticism of National and NZ First ministers, given their recent attention on such industries. They might scapegoat those industries, Seymour implied, but ACT won't. Seymour's speech gave a nod to the voters ACT would be targeting next year - landlords, farmers, firearms users, small business owners - all hotly contested constituencies within the coalition. And he was not shy about reminding the 450-strong audience of other differences too. "Our partners... abandoned us in defining the Treaty Principles," he told supporters. But beyond the differences came a curious confirmation: that ACT would be campaigning next year to "keep this government". The seemingly benign commitment is an open admission that a centre-right election victory will almost certainly require a repeat of the three-way coalition. 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One foot in Cabinet, the other in campaign mode ACT is currently polling roughly 9% - a fraction above its 2023 election result and consistent with its average across last year. Historically, a stint in government has proved electoral quicksand for support parties, but ACT and NZ First seem to be defying the trend. In large part, that's due to the political landscape with the major parties languishing in the low 30s, leaving more room for the minor parties. But ACT has also made a deliberate effort not to vanish into Cabinet. The party has kept one foot in government and the other in campaign mode - trumpeting its policy wins, while also criticising its coalition partners when convenient. It has certainly not shied away from provocation, as evidenced even by its choice of guest speaker on Sunday: anti-woke crusader Dr James Lindsay. Look to the "gutsy" pay equity cuts, the Treaty Principles Bill, and now the Regulatory Standards Bill. On each occasion, the backlash was immense, but so too was the airtime. And each time Seymour declared unapologetically: we're not here to be liked, we're here to be right. He said as much again in his Sunday speech: "People will pile on and say I'm defending big business, or whatever, but political risks are part of leadership." The strategy carries risks indeed. Former National leader Simon Bridges, in his 2021 memoir, reflected on the personal toll of such tactics: yes, the party vote stayed up, but not so his personal ratings. David Seymour is experiencing something similar. His own favourability ratings are routinely poor. In the most recent Post/Freshwater Strategy poll, just 25% had a favourable view of ACT, while 47% were unfavourable - the second worst result of any party, after only Te Pāti Māori. But for a minor party, that trade-off seems worth it, with visibility counting for more than likability. The cost of instability ACT's strategy has also, at times, fed the perception of coalition instability, or of National being dragged around by its smaller partners. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has repeatedly dismissed that, instead framing the dynamic as simply the "maturation of MMP". But voters are still adjusting to that reality. The latest example of friction would appear to be Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill, bubbling away in the background. NZ First has made clear it wants changes to the legislation, but Seymour says he's yet to even hear what they are. Furthermore, he firmly believes he's under no obligation to make changes and that the coalition agreement already requires National and NZ First's support. The apparent impasse remains unresolved. For all that, though, the governing parties are aware the public does not look kindly on instability. Seymour learned that the hard way in the weeks before the 2023 election when he floated the idea of ACT signing a "confidence-only" deal if National refused to cooperate during negotiations. Almost immediately, the party's support dropped several points in the polls. That lesson still looms over the coalition today, especially given the narrow margins and economic headwinds. All three coalition parties would do well to remember the common enemy. They may be competing for votes inside the tent, but the real fight lies outside it: with the opposition.

RNZ News
4 hours ago
- RNZ News
ACT's campaign calculus to 'keep the government' and keep its edge
A stint in government has usually proved electoral quicksand for support parties, but ACT seems to be defying the trend. Photo: RNZ Analysis: For the ACT Party, the challenge this term has been - and remains - how to stand apart from its coalition partners without pulling apart the government. That tension has ebbed and flowed - most clearly on display during the Treaty Principles debate and now reemerging around the Regulatory Standards Bill. But ACT's annual rally on Sunday gave a clear indication of how the party intends to navigate the tightrope for the remaining 15 or so months. For one, David Seymour centred his keynote speech on the cost-of-living, a recognition that that remains the biggest risk to the coalition's reelection. Of course, he did it in distinct ACT-style, making a comparison with his Cabinet colleagues' recent criticisms of the big banks, supermarkets or power companies. "It would be the easiest thing in the world... to write and give a speech saying they're crooked and they need to be punished somehow," Seymour told supporters. "But that would be the curse of zero sum thinking." Though Seymour denied it later, it was hard not to see the comment as a veiled criticism of National and NZ First ministers, given their recent attention on such industries . They might scapegoat those industries, Seymour implied, but ACT won't. Seymour's speech gave a nod to the voters ACT would be targeting next year - landlords, farmers, firearms users, small business owners - all hotly contested constituencies within the coalition. And he was not shy about reminding the 450-strong audience of other differences too. "Our partners... abandoned us in defining the Treaty Principles," he told supporters. But beyond the differences came a curious confirmation: that ACT would be campaigning next year to "keep this government". The seemingly benign commitment is an open admission that a centre-right election victory will almost certainly require a repeat of the three-way coalition. Asked later by RNZ about the declaration, Seymour made it more explicit: "We need to keep these parties in power." These parties. NZ First included. That's perhaps not that surprising given current polling, but it is quite a difference from ACT's approach in 2023 - which saw Seymour viciously attack NZ First and its leader Winston Peters. It's also different from Peters' message several weeks ago as he handed over the deputy prime ministership to Seymour. Then, Peters said he intended to "remove any doubt" next election. Of course, behind the scenes, ACT and NZ First would much prefer to eliminate the other and become the sole coalition partner. National, for its part, would like to get back over 40 percent to regain choice. But none can afford to bring the whole caboodle down in the process. And there, again, is the tightrope. The ACT party held it's annual rally in Auckland, on Sunday 13 July, 2025. Photo: RNZ / Lillian Hanly ACT is currently polling roughly 9 percent - a fraction above its 2023 election result and consistent with its average across last year. Historically, a stint in government has proved electoral quicksand for support parties, but ACT and NZ First seem to be defying the trend. In large part, that's due to the political landscape with the major parties languishing in the low 30s, leaving more room for the minor parties. But ACT has also made a deliberate effort not to vanish into Cabinet. The party has kept one foot in government and the other in campaign mode - trumpeting its policy wins, while also criticising its coalition partners when convenient. It has certainly not shied away from provocation, as evidenced even by its choice of guest speaker on Sunday: anti-woke crusader Dr James Lindsay. Look to the "gutsy" pay equity cuts, the Treaty Principles Bill, and now the Regulatory Standards Bill. On each occasion, the backlash was immense, but so too was the airtime. And each time Seymour declared unapologetically: we're not here to be liked, we're here to be right. He said as much again in his Sunday speech: "People will pile on and say I'm defending big business, or whatever, but political risks are part of leadership." The strategy carries risks indeed. Former National leader Simon Bridges, in his 2021 memoir , reflected on the personal toll of such tactics: yes, the party vote stayed up, but not so his personal ratings. David Seymour is experiencing something similar. His own favourability ratings are routinely poor. In the most recent Post/Freshwater Strategy poll, just 25 percent had a favourable view of ACT, while 47 percent were unfavourable - the second worst result of any party, after only Te Pāti Māori. But for a minor party, that trade-off seems worth it, with visibility counting for more than likability. ACT's strategy has also, at times, fed the perception of coalition instability, or of National being dragged around by its smaller partners. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has repeatedly dismissed that, instead framing the dynamic as simply the "maturation of MMP". But voters are still adjusting to that reality. The latest example of friction would appear to be Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill, bubbling away in the background. NZ First has made clear it wants changes to the legislation, but Seymour says he's yet to even hear what they are. Furthermore, he firmly believes he's under no obligation to make changes and that the coalition agreement already requires National and NZ First's support. The apparent impasse remains unresolved. For all that, though, the governing parties are aware the public does not look kindly on instability. Seymour learned that the hard way in the weeks before the 2023 election when he floated the idea of ACT signing a "confidence-only" deal if National refused to cooperate during negotiations. Almost immediately, the party's support dropped several points in the polls. That lesson still looms over the coalition today, especially given the narrow margins and economic headwinds. All three coalition parties would do well to remember the common enemy. They may be competing for votes inside the tent, but the real fight lies outside it: with the opposition. Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero , a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.


Otago Daily Times
5 hours ago
- Otago Daily Times
Call to move health staff ‘bizarre'
Ingrid Learyy. PHOTO: PETER MCINTOSH A call to transfer mental health workers from Dunedin to Central Otago is "bizarre", Taieri MP Ingrid Leary says. The Labour Party MP responded to a provocative stance taken by Waitaki MP Miles Anderson, of the National Party, who suggested Dunedin's mental health staffing should be slashed by 100, and also that too much money was being poured into the $1.88billion regional hospital in Dunedin. Money should instead have been directed to the growing Central Otago and Queenstown Lakes districts, he said. Ms Leary said Mr Anderson had looked to pit Dunedin against Wānaka and his proposed solution to health shortages in Wānaka and surrounding areas was bizarre. "It is no secret that the lower South suffers from a shortage of mental health workers across the board and some of the longest specialist wait times, including in Dunedin," she said. "Moving health workers from one location to another resolves nothing." Ms Leary, Labour's mental health spokesperson, said the government appeared to be taking "a Queenstown-centric approach" to healthcare, including mental health. Mr Anderson had spoken of inequities between Dunedin and the rest of the region. "Those employed in the mental health side of things — Dunedin has 300-plus staff, and only another 100 are spread throughout the entire Otago-Southland area, so Wānaka have very few," he said. "So for it to be equitable, 100 need to be taken out of Dunedin and put into other areas." Ms Leary suggested the government ought to be more constructive. "Cutting pay equity claims for burned-out mental health workers will only exacerbate the mental healthcare shortage, so why doesn't Miles Anderson instead tell his Cabinet colleagues to reverse that short-sighted decision?" Construction of the new hospital in Dunedin started under Labour and the project was reviewed by the National-led government once it gained power in the 2023 general election. After delays, the government ended up approving continuation of the build and the project was not altered substantially. Mr Anderson said the people who planned the hospital "didn't give much thought to the outlying areas of North Otago and Central Otago". "The Dunedin hospital makes sense with the med school and specialists, but if they thought about it, did it really need to be as big?" Ms Leary said Mr Anderson seemed to lack understanding of the project. He appeared to have "no depth of knowledge regarding the Dunedin hospital and its role in the wider region, including the need for tertiary-level care and a medical training facility".