
SLC holds workshop on ‘The Impact of Language on Legal Drafting' - Middle East Business News and Information
The workshop, led by Salem Ibrahim Al Ahmad, Head of the Research and Publication Section at the SLC Legislative Awareness Directorate, emphasised the importance of mastering precise linguistic rules to draft clear, coherent legal provisions— an essential skill to prevent ambiguity and misinterpretation. He also illustrated the differences between formal legal language and everyday language through practical examples.
Key topics covered during the workshop included the characteristics and unique features of Arabic legal language, such as precision, clarity, and formality. It also addressed how drafting choices influence the meaning and interpretation of legislative provisions. Moreover, the session highlighted common linguistic errors in legal drafting, such as redundancy and the use of indirect expressions that may lead to ambiguity or legal loopholes. The workshop further introduced methods for developing legal drafting skills, including the use of tools and techniques to enhance linguistic proficiency. This involved reviewing samples of legislation and conducting contextual analyses of different legislative drafting models.
H.E. Ahmad Saeed bin Meshar Al Muhairi, SLC Secretary General, affirmed that linguistic precision is fundamental to effective legislative drafting, stating: 'Clear legal provisions reduce the risk of ambiguity, misinterpretation, and errors in implementation.' H.E. Al Muhairi added: 'The Impact of Language on Legal Drafting demonstrates the SLC's ongoing commitment to strengthening legislative drafting frameworks and expanding the knowledge base of legal professionals. The workshop aims to equip legal professionals with the necessary tools to contribute effectively to developing a legislative system that is responsive to present needs and future challenges.'
Mr. Al Ahmad commented: 'The workshop focused on enhancing the Arabic linguistic skills of legal professionals at the Government of Dubai and developing their ability to draft legislation using precise and sound language aligned with legal drafting standards. It addressed fundamental linguistic rules essential for crafting robust legal provisions that are free from loopholes and ambiguity. The initiative aims to equip legal personnel with practical tools to avoid common drafting mistakes and to use legal terminology accurately and consistently. Ultimately, our goal is to support Dubai's vision for a legislative ecosystem rooted in transparency, adaptability, and legal certainty, thereby enhancing the investment appeal of the Emirate and driving development.'
The workshop also underscored the role of legal language as a cornerstone of any successful legislative ecosystem and as a key tool for facilitating the effective implementation of legislation. It highlighted the importance of precision and clarity in legislative drafting and the need to avoid ambiguity that could lead to misinterpretation.
Mr. Al Ahmad further stressed the pivotal role of precision in using language for legislative drafting in ensuring legal stability by fostering a unified understanding among all relevant parties in the judicial and legal ecosystem, including judges, lawyers, and government officials, thereby minimising conflicting interpretations. The session also highlighted the importance of maintaining neutrality and objectivity in legislative drafting, and introduced the distinct features of Arabic legalese as a bridge between international legislative and legal systems and a vital means of accurately conveying the legislative intent.
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Mada
4 hours ago
- Mada
Some questions for Avichay Adraee
Avichay Adraee, spokesperson for the Israeli occupation forces, posted on X in the first hours of August 11, addressing a dead Anas al-Sharif in Arabic. 'Anas al-Sharif: Your truth has been unveiled. The documents of Hamas and Jihad which were found in Gaza and which we reveal today do not leave a place for doubt. Anas al-Sharif is active in the military wing of Hamas. You may present yourself as a journalist pained by the pleas of the people of Gaza. But now everyone knows you are a Hamasawy, by belonging and by profession. Everyone knows now that you joined Hamas's East Jabalia Brigade in 2013, and that you were hit in a training incident as part of the brigade in 2017. You were the head of a cell in the field of firing rockets. You were a fighter, I have no idea if you were a good or a bad one, in the elite units of Hamas. All the support statements that will be published by Al Jazeera for you don't matter. Now everyone knows the truth. You, who were supposed to be a journalist from the north of Gaza, have been exposed: Your real job is among the most terrorist, criminal and assaulting movements for the people of Gaza. I am not surprised that you work for a media organization that covers up Hamas's crimes and its use of the people while lying to the world — ayb w ar [disgrace and shame].' Parking one's disdain for the man for a moment, a few questions: Why is he speaking to a dead person his military just killed? What compels him to address the lifeless? Is it guilt, fear, the need to hear himself justify the death? Is he haunted? Would he be able to deliver these accusations face-to-face to an alive Anas? What kind of evidence is this — held up to a supposedly enlightened civilized world? And why is it being circulated in an animated social media world, with Adraee blasting his 'facts' into the void, only to be recycled by his army's mouthpieces, as well as most international media? It betrays even the pretense of professional, credible, Western-style journalism. With this genocide, has Israel given up on posing to the world as the luminous democracy in the midst of the darkness of our jungle that is the Arab World? Or does it need a different spokesperson? Or perhaps there is really no propaganda possible for genocide. Does Adraee's opinion on whether Anas was a good or bad combatant matter, was it part of the decision to kill him? There is a demeaning suggestion in the statement 'I have no idea if he was a good or a bad combatant.' Maybe if he was a bad combatant, he could have been spared being targeted and killed? Is the killing in Gaza a moral punishment or a functional strategy? Or are these two categories collapsed in the scheme of genocide, manifesting in the killing of those who tell the world about it [1]. Is it simply a vulgar slip from Adraee, mobilizing a whole chain of imperial vulgarity in the mainstream media apparatus? Not that imperialism is polite, but in trying to lock itself within some modern boundaries of reason, it seems unable to contain its own vulgarity. Does time matter in military calculus? Adraee admits that Anas is a journalist at the end of his post, and that said military activities are in the past. Is this a retroactive punishment for military activity (for which we have no evidence), or a current punishment for thinking? And if it is a current punishment for thinking, is the plan to keep killing all those who hate Israel? What will be the evidence and the means to justify the killings, in a world brewing Israeli hatred? Why is Adraee concerned with disgrace and shame — ' ayb w ar ' as he put it in Arabic — when he could have simply applauded the bravery of his military for ending the disgraceful and shameful life of Anas? Is it because the way Anas was killed by the Occupation doesn't quite end the disgrace and shame, because essentially, Israel's aerial and technological supremacy are sites of shame, primarily for Adraee and his people, as they fight the land at a distance from the sky? And is there 'evidence' as well against Mohamed Qraiqea, Ibrahim Zaher, Moamen Elewa, Mohamed al-Khalidi and Mohamed Noufal, the five other journalists who were killed alongside their driver by the airstrike that targeted Anas? Or is it a lack of precision on the part of Israel's supreme aerial and technological capacity that made them collateral damage? And where does more shame lie: in the distant cold killing from above or in the lack of precision? The truth is that these questions may be rhetorical, repetitive and naive. They might be a waste of time, when the coverage needs to continue, as Anas would say. Perhaps they carry a not-so-invested invitation to stop the PR accompanying the killing and just stick to the killing. But more importantly, they signal the mountains of anger. They are also a way to note the shame (my own) and the powerlessness. It is the anger at such direct witnessing of imperial brutality, of its boundlessness and capacity to introduce new frontiers, while still dressing it up in the rational language of evidence and justice. It is the shame of being a journalist, a five-hour drive away from Gaza, and surviving Anas. It is the powerlessness of journalism in the face of the military state. I joined the journalism squads in a moment of danger, that of the second Palestinian intifada, followed by the United States invasion of Iraq. Too colossal for my early introduction to politics, the events demanded to be captured, to be translated. Becoming a journalist was an act of belonging, of being in the midst, of staying. It was an act of understanding the scope of what is happening by giving it a language. Such were the politics of truth in this journalism. It wasn't an aspiration to belong to an aerial category called 'journalism,' where the truth descends from above like bombs. Like its own subject of coverage, the event, and its own channel of mediation, language, the truth was always fragile, chaotic, experiential, constantly unfolding, morphing, shocking, distressing and rarely reassuring. It was personal, full of sedimented histories, and we admit it. The truth about the truth is that it was never ready-made or pre-written. In a temporal horizon, this truth holds a future, unknown, uncertain. Adraee and Israel's truth about Anas, Gaza and Palestine hold no futurity. They are in the captivity of their ready-made truth [2]. It's the doom of repetition in the face of uncertainty. Anas is resting in the powerlessness of death ceasing his journalism, just as we are resting in the powerlessness of our lives as journalists. Perhaps there is a truth there too, a power to this powerlessness: the only journalism possible today is that of Anas and his colleagues broadcasting the genocide from the ground until they themselves are swallowed up by it. They say in the enlightened world that journalism is not a crime. But in ours, especially after Gaza, journalism is not a profession. It's a commitment to an enmeshment of people and land in crisis, the messy here and now where history crashes into the present and its capitulation to power. That's how Anas, Hassan Eslaih, Hossam Shabat, Fatima Hassouna and the rest of the over 240 journalists killed in Gaza did the job. That's what I learn from them. One tries to stick to a hope that a new world must be born to counteract this carnage, a rewriting of civilization from the flaws of our times, or at least of the catalog of journalism, because of all the happy endings we were force fed in popular culture. But this is not a film; it's the reality of living a life unto death. A life unto death holds space for dreamworlds, our own version of a ' Riviera ' in Gaza: a newsroom by the sea for all the surviving journalists, a universal school of journalism in the mainland, a place from which philosophy might begin again. Footnotes: [1] In Sarah Rifky's edit, she responds in the place of Adraee: To me the admission is also a revelation, without moral discernment, where Hannah Arendt's 'banality of evil' meets Achille Mbembe's 'necropolitics,' and death comes from a system that knows nothing, cares nothing, except that it can.


Mid East Info
2 days ago
- Mid East Info
Statement by H.E. Ahmad Saeed bin Meshar Al Muhairi, SLC Secretary General, on International Youth Day 11 August 2025:
'International Youth Day serves as a powerful reminder of the essential role young people play as key partners in driving socio-economic development towards new avenues. It also underscores the need to address the challenges that hinder the engagement of younger generations and to ensure they are fully equipped with the tools and opportunities necessary for growth and success. Since the founding of the Union, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has embraced a development model that places youth at its core, in line with the far-sighted vision of our wise leadership. The nation has remained committed to implementing strategies aimed at empowering young people across all domains, consolidating their presence and broadening their contribution to raising the nation's flag, enhancing its global leadership, and shaping the contours of its bright future, armed with ambition and determination and grounded in knowledge, learning, and innovation. On this day dedicated to youth, the builders of the future, the Supreme Legislation Committee in the Emirate of Dubai (SLC) takes pride in its young talents. We reaffirm our commitment to nurturing their capabilities, enriching their knowledge, and providing them with every resource they need to thrive. We believe in the pivotal role that SLC's young professionals play in promoting excellence within our institutional environment and advancing the leadership of Dubai's legislative ecosystem.'


Al-Ahram Weekly
3 days ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Israel assassinates prominent Al Jazeera reporter Anas Al-Sharif among 4 other journalists in Gaza - War on Gaza
The Israeli army killed five Al Jazeera journalists, including prominent correspondent Anas Al-Sharif, in a targeted strike on their media tent outside Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City. Correspondents Anas Al-Sharif and Mohammed Qreiqeh and cameramen Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal, and Moamen Aliwa were in a tent for journalists at Al-Shifa Hospital's main gate when it was struck, Al Jazeera reported. The Qatar-based network condemned Israel's "targeted assassination" of its five journalists as a heinous crime and "yet another blatant and premeditated attack on press freedom." Shortly after the strike, the Israeli army confirmed that it had targeted Anas Al-Sharif. In a Telegram post, the occupation army claimed that Al-Sharif served as the head of a terrorist cell in the Hamas organization. However, rights advocates said he had been targeted for his frontline reporting on the Gaza war and that Israel's claim lacked evidence. Al Jazeera reported that the Israeli strike had killed seven people in total. It initially said four of its staff had been killed, but revised it to five a few hours later. Anas' nephew was killed with him as well, while learning how to be a journalist. In 2023, Israeli forces bombed Al-Sharif's home in Gaza's Jabalia refugee camp and killed his 65-year-old father, Jamal Al-Sharif. "The order to assassinate Anas Al-Sharif, one of Gaza's bravest journalists, and his colleagues is a desperate attempt to silence the voices exposing the impending seizure and occupation of Gaza," Al Jazeera said in its farewell statement. The attack was the latest to see journalists targeted in the 22-month Israeli genocidal war on Gaza, with around 200 media workers killed, according to media watchdogs. Al-Sharif, 28, was one of the channel's most recognizable faces working on the ground in Gaza, providing daily reports in regular coverage. He appeared to be posting on X in the moments before his death, warning of intense Israeli bombardment within Gaza City. In July, the Al Jazeera Media Network, along with the United Nations and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), issued separate statements warning that Al-Sharif's life was in danger and calling for his protection. Back then, the CPJ issued a statement accusing the Israeli military's Arabic-language spokesperson Avichay Adraee of stepping up online attacks on Al-Sharif by alleging that he was a Hamas fighter. Following the attack, the CPJ said it was "appalled" to learn of the journalists' deaths. "Israel's pattern of labelling journalists as militants without providing credible evidence raises serious questions about its intent and respect for press freedom," said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. "Journalists are civilians and must never be targeted. Those responsible for these killings must be held accountable," she added. The Palestinian Journalists' Syndicate also condemned the assassination as a "bloody crime." The deadliest war for journalists With Gaza sealed off by the Israeli authorities, many media groups around the world depend on photo, video, and text coverage of the conflict provided by Palestinian reporters. In early July, media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said more than 200 journalists had been killed by the Israeli army in Gaza since the war began in October 2023, including several Al Jazeera journalists. In August 2024, Ismael Al-Ghoul was hit by an Israeli airstrike as he sat in his car; a harrowing video shared on social media showed his decapitated body. Cameraman Rami Al-Rifi and a boy passing on a bicycle were also killed. According to the International Federation of Journalists, the Israeli war on Gaza has been the deadliest conflict on record for journalists. The situation is dire for the journalists who are still in Gaza. Besides the airstrikes, there is the threat of starvation. In July, the BBC and three news agencies — Reuters, AP, and AFP — issued a joint statement expressing "desperate concern" for journalists in the strip, who they say are increasingly unable to feed themselves and their families. International criticism is growing against Israel over the plight of the more than two million Palestinian civilians in Gaza, with UN agencies and rights groups warning that a famine is unfolding in the territory. Israel's genocidal war on Gaza has so far killed more than 61,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link: