logo
U.S., China to resume tariff talks in effort to extend truce

U.S., China to resume tariff talks in effort to extend truce

Japan Times28-07-2025
Senior U.S. and Chinese negotiators meet in Stockholm on Monday to tackle longstanding economic disputes at the center of a trade war between the world's top two economies, aiming to extend a truce keeping sharply higher tariffs at bay.
China is facing an Aug. 12 deadline to reach a durable tariff agreement with President Donald Trump's administration, after Beijing and Washington reached a preliminary deal in June to end weeks of escalating tit-for-tat tariffs.
Without an agreement, global supply chains could face renewed turmoil from duties exceeding 100%.
The Stockholm talks, led by U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng, come right on the heels of Trump's biggest trade deal yet, with the European Union accepting a 15% tariff on its goods exports to the U.S. and agreeing to make significant EU purchases of U.S. energy and military equipment.
That deal struck with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on Sunday in Scotland also calls for $600 billion in investments in the U.S. by the EU, Trump told reporters.
No similar breakthrough is expected in the U.S.-China talks, but trade analysts said that another 90-day extension of a tariff and export control truce struck in mid-May was likely.
An extension of that length would prevent further escalation and help create conditions for a potential meeting between Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping in late October or early November.
Spokespersons for the White House and U.S. Trade Representative's office did not immediately respond to requests for comment on a South China Morning Post report quoting unnamed sources as saying the two sides would refrain from introducing new tariffs or take other steps that could escalate the trade war for another 90 days.
The container ship OOCL Daffodil is docked at Yangshan Port outside of Shanghai, China, on June 17. |
REUTERS
Trump's administration is poised to impose new sectoral tariffs that will impact China, including on semiconductors, pharmaceuticals, ship-to-shore cranes and other products.
"We're very close to a deal with China. We really sort of made a deal with China, but we'll see how that goes," Trump told reporters before his meeting with von der Leyen, providing no further details.
Deeper issues
Previous U.S.-China trade talks in Geneva and London in May and June focused on bringing U.S. and Chinese retaliatory tariffs down from triple-digit levels and restoring the flow of rare earth minerals halted by China and Nvidia's H20 AI chips and other goods halted by the United States.
So far, the talks have not delved into broader economic issues. They include U.S. complaints that China's state-led, export-driven model is flooding world markets with cheap goods, and Beijing's complaints that U.S. national security export controls on tech goods seek to stunt Chinese growth.
"Stockholm will be the first meaningful round of U.S.-China trade talks," said Bo Zhengyuan, Shanghai-based partner at China consultancy firm Plenum.
Visitors pose for photos at a lookout in Yangshan Port outside of Shanghai, China, on April 15. |
REUTERS
Trump has been successful in pressuring some other trading partners, including Japan, Vietnam and the Philippines, into deals accepting higher U.S. tariffs of 15% to 20%.
Analysts say the U.S.-China negotiations are far more complex and will require more time. China's grip on the global market for rare earth minerals and magnets, used in everything from military hardware to car windshield wiper motors, has proved to be an effective leverage point on U.S. industries.
Trump-Xi meeting?
In the background of the talks is speculation about a possible meeting between Trump and Xi in late October.
Trump has said he will decide soon whether to visit China in a landmark trip to address trade and security tensions. A new flare-up of tariffs and export controls would likely derail any plans for a meeting with Xi.
"The Stockholm meeting is an opportunity to start laying the groundwork for a Trump visit to China," said Wendy Cutler, vice president at the Asia Society Policy Institute.
Bessent has already said he wants to work out an extension of the Aug. 12 deadline to prevent tariffs snapping back to 145% on the U.S. side and 125% on the Chinese side.
Still, China will likely request a reduction of multi-layered U.S. tariffs totaling 55% on most goods and further easing of U.S. high-tech export controls, analysts said. Beijing has argued that such purchases would help reduce the U.S. trade deficit with China, which reached $295.5 billion in 2024.
China is currently facing a 20% tariff related to the U.S. fentanyl crisis, a 10% "reciprocal tariff" and 25% duties on most industrial goods imposed during Trump's first term.
Bessent has also said he would discuss with He the need for China to rebalance its economy away from exports toward domestic consumer demand. The shift would require China to put an end to a protracted property crisis and boost social safety nets to encourage household spending.
Michael Froman, a former U.S. trade representative during Barack Obama's administration, said such a shift has been a goal of U.S. policymakers for two decades.
"Can we effectively use tariffs to get China to fundamentally change their economic strategy? That remains to be seen," said Froman, now president of the Council on Foreign Relations think tank.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Stagflation is hitting Russia's war economy
Stagflation is hitting Russia's war economy

Japan Times

time2 hours ago

  • Japan Times

Stagflation is hitting Russia's war economy

The Russian economy is not collapsing, but it is stagnant and suffering high inflation. And this economic decline could be a tipping point, because Russia may run out of liquid reserves, prompting the Kremlin to cut public expenditures. For months, Russia's official inflation rate has hovered around 10%. In June, the Central Bank of Russia boasted that the rate had fallen to 9.4%; but it then dampened the celebration by reporting that expectations for inflation one year from now are 13% (which may well be the actual inflation rate today). Yet, on July 25, the central bank dared to cut its very high interest rate, which has weakened growth and caused a severe credit crunch, from 20% to 18%. True, Russia's economy appeared surprisingly dynamic in 2023 and 2024 with the official growth rate reaching 4% each year. But this was largely because the Russian government revived dormant Soviet military enterprises beyond the Ural Mountains. Moreover, real growth figures may have been exaggerated because some inflation was hidden by state-owned enterprises selling their goods to the state at administered prices. In any case, official growth has fallen this year, probably to 1.4% in the first half of 2025. Since October 2024, the Kremlin itself has begun to report that Russia is experiencing stagflation — a message that was reinforced at the annual St. Petersburg International Economic Forum in June. Improvement is unlikely. The country's financial reserves are running out, energy revenues are declining and there are increasingly severe shortages of labor and imported technology. All are linked to the war and Western sanctions. Since 2022, Russia has had an annual budget deficit of about 2% of gross domestic product, implying that it needs $40 billion each year to close the gap. But owing to Western financial sanctions, Russia has had virtually no access to international financing since 2014. Not even China dares to finance the Russian state openly for fear of secondary sanctions. (Indeed, two small Chinese banks were just sanctioned by the European Union for such sins.) So, Russia must make do with the liquid financial resources held in its National Wealth Fund. Having fallen from $135 billion in January 2022 to $35 billion by May 2025, these are set to run out in the second half of this year. Traditionally, half of Russia's federal revenues have come from energy exports, which used to account for two-thirds of its total exports. But in the face of Western sanctions, Russian total exports have slumped, falling by 27% from $592 billion to $433 billion between 2022 and 2024. The federal budget for 2025 assumed an oil price of $70 per barrel, but oil is now hovering closer to the Western price cap of $60 per barrel, and the EU has just set a ceiling of $47.6 per barrel for the Russian oil that it still purchases. In addition, the West has sanctioned nearly 600 Russian 'shadow fleet' tankers, which will reduce Russian federal revenues by at least 1% of GDP. Against this backdrop, the Kremlin has announced that while it intends to spend 37% of its federal budget — $195 billion (7.2% of GDP) — on national defense and security this year, it must cut federal expenditures from 20% of GDP to about 17%. But since the government has already cut non-military expenditures to a minimum, it claims that it will reduce its military expenditures by some unspecified amount in 2026. Reducing military expenditures at the height of a war is rarely an auspicious signal. As the commentator Igor Sushko points out, 'The Confederacy did this in 1863-1865 (American Civil War), Germany in 1917-1918 (WWI), Japan in 1944-1945 (WWII),' and the outcome every time was 'total military defeat.' Of course, actual economic strength is not the issue. Ukraine spends about $100 billion per year on its defense, which amounts to 50% of its GDP; but no one bothers to question this because for Ukrainians, the war is existential. Ukraine would not survive if the war was lost. By contrast, Russia spends only 7% of its GDP on the war, but this is a war of Putin's choice. It is not existential for Russia, only for Putin. If he had a popular mandate, Russia could spend much more on the war. But he apparently does not think his popularity could withstand devoting much more of the budget to the effort. Meanwhile, it is increasingly clear that something else is rotten in Russia beside the economy. Russia has fallen to 154th place out of 180 countries on Transparency International's authoritative Corruption Perceptions Index, while Ukraine is in 105th place. Since the start of the war, a dozen or so senior Russian energy managers have fallen out of windows. And more recently, former Deputy Defense Minister Timur Ivanov was sentenced to no less than 13 years in prison for corruption; Transportation Minister Roman Starovoit allegedly committed suicide just hours after Putin fired him; and a gold-mining billionaire was arrested and his company was nationalized to help the treasury. These were high officials. Ivanov was a top protege to former Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, and Starovoit was the right-hand man of Putin's close friend Arkady Rotenberg. Such developments are clear signs of Russia's economic instability. Compounding the financial pain is an extreme labor shortage, especially of qualified workers. Officially, unemployment stands at only 2%, but that is partly because many Russians have left. Since the start of the war, and especially after Putin attempted a minor mobilization in 2022, approximately 1 million people fled the country, including many young well-educated men. He has not dared to pursue another mobilization since. Now, labor scarcities are holding back production and driving up wages while Western export controls limit Russia's supply of high-tech goods (though Chinese supplies have mitigated the impact). Russia's economy is fast approaching a fiscal crunch that will encumber its war effort. Though that may not be enough to compel Putin to seek peace, it does suggest that the walls are closing in on him. Anders Aslund is the author of "Russia's Crony Capitalism: The Path from Market Economy to Kleptocracy" (Yale University Press, 2019). © Project Syndicate, 2025

RFK Jr.'s mRNA decision may be his worst yet
RFK Jr.'s mRNA decision may be his worst yet

Japan Times

time2 hours ago

  • Japan Times

RFK Jr.'s mRNA decision may be his worst yet

U.S. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s decision to cancel $500 million in grants and contracts for mRNA vaccine development jeopardizes the health and safety of Americans — both now and for years to come. The Nobel Prize-winning technology enabled the first COVID-19 vaccines to be developed with breathtaking speed during the first year of the pandemic, ultimately saving millions of lives. Yet Kennedy spent years undermining confidence in mRNA, a misinformation campaign that he continued after he took office. Now, he's systematically dismantling the very infrastructure we need to respond to a future pandemic. The secretary justified the decision to abandon mRNA in a video full of falsehoods that was posted on his social media. He opened by claiming that the vaccines "don't perform well against viruses that infect the upper respiratory tract.' In fact, we have plenty of evidence, both from randomized controlled clinical trials and real-world studies, that COVID-19 shots save lives and reduce hospitalizations. And although we need to see more data, early signs suggest that Moderna's flu vaccine is comparable to — or even more effective than — existing flu vaccines based on older technologies. Of course, we'd love to have vaccines that work better — longer-lasting protection would be nice, as would the complete prevention of infections. But pulling funding for a proven technology like mRNA isn't the way to achieve those goals. Kennedy also claims that the design of mRNA vaccines — which expose the immune system to proteins the virus uses to infect us — is rendered useless by single mutations and that they encourage new mutations that can prolong pandemics. Both claims are false. All viruses accumulate tiny genetic changes over time, regardless of whether a vaccine exists. He ends by saying that scientific "experts' within the Department of Health and Human Services have determined that mRNA technology poses more risks than benefits for respiratory viruses — another claim that public health experts strongly dispute. "I've been in the business for 50 years, and I've never seen a more dangerous decision made by a government agency related to public health,' says Michael Osterholm, director of the University of Minnesota's Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy. Says Osterholm, who has advised several administrations on pandemic preparedness, "There's no factual basis for what he's said.' Kennedy's hostility toward mRNA technology is no surprise. During the pandemic, he was cited by the Center for Countering Digital Hate as one of the "Disinformation Dozen,' a group of influencers responsible for the majority of the anti-vaccine content on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter — where he spread false claims about the dangers of the COVID-19 vaccine. Under his leadership, health agencies have already terminated a $766 million contract with Moderna to use mRNA technology to develop vaccines against flu viruses, including H5N1. He also unilaterally changed the recommendations for who should receive COVID-19 shots. This latest move has far-reaching implications for public health. First, he has enormous influence over a segment of the public: a recent poll by KFF found that 70% of Republicans trusted Kennedy to provide reliable information about vaccines. In other words, his misinformation-laden social media posts could meaningfully shape public attitudes about mRNA vaccines. More troubling, though, is how Kennedy is undermining the country's ability to address current and future pathogens. Abandoning mRNA vaccines will put Americans at a disadvantage if another pandemic occurs. "In a biological emergency, time is our greatest weapon,' says Jennifer Nuzzo, director of the Pandemic Center at the Brown University School of Public Health. The faster we respond, the fewer the harms - whether in terms of people dying or damage to economic prosperity and national security, Nuzzo says. The technology offers exceptional speed compared to conventional vaccine manufacturing methods such as whole-virus vaccines, which Kennedy says will be the focus of future development. Whole-virus vaccines are typically produced by growing the virus in chicken eggs, then extracting, inactivating and purifying it — a process that can take up to six months to complete. And the world also lacks sufficient egg-based manufacturing capacity. According to Osterholm, we can produce only about 2 billion shots in the first 18 months of a pandemic. In contrast, mRNA vaccines can go from concept to mass production in just a few months — and we've already seen that it's possible to produce enough to serve the global population within a year, he adds. To be clear, other countries are continuing to invest in mRNA, which means those vaccines will still be developed if another scary virus emerges. The next time around, however, Americans could be last in line to receive them. "Preparedness is a deterrent,' Nuzzo says. Walking away from an investment in mRNA also "sends a message to our adversaries that the United States is uncommitted to preparing for future health emergencies — that the United States is now more vulnerable than it has ever been because we are systematically taking off the table multiple approaches to protect ourselves.' What a terrifying thought. Lisa Jarvis is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering biotech, health care and the pharmaceutical industry.

Xi steals a page from Mao's foreign-policy playbook
Xi steals a page from Mao's foreign-policy playbook

Japan Times

time2 hours ago

  • Japan Times

Xi steals a page from Mao's foreign-policy playbook

Amid the disruption to the global economic order caused by the Trump administration's policy of reciprocal tariffs, the Xi Jinping administration displayed a dual posture — responding swiftly and strategically from Beijing with countermeasures, while at the same time showing a willingness to engage in practical negotiations. This approach to foreign policy is shaped by China's distinctive system of governance, which has long been characterized by three key dimensions: its ability to pursue medium- to long-term strategies; its fusion of pragmatic diplomacy with the ideological principle of 'self-reliance'; and the persistent difficulty of maintaining control over an expansive and often unruly bureaucratic apparatus. China's rapid response to U.S. pressure was supported by long-term strategies such as Made in China 2025, launched in 2015 to upgrade domestic manufacturing in high-tech sectors. While Beijing's target of achieving 70% semiconductor self-sufficiency by 2025 may not be met, this initiative has led to significant progress in fields such as artificial intelligence and next-generation telecommunications.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store