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Third satellite launch pad project set for March 2029 completion

Third satellite launch pad project set for March 2029 completion

New Delhi, Aug 6 (UNI) The Third Satellite Launch Pad (TLP) Project, a significant expansion of India's space infrastructure, has made steady progress following the receipt of financial sanction in March 2025, the Government informed Parliament today.
It will be fully commissioned by March 2029, it said.
Dr. Jitendra Singh, Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Science and Technology and Department of Space in a written reply to Lok Sabha said, 'The preliminary geo-technical investigation and topographical survey of the designated site were completed by May 2025, laying the groundwork for further development. Presently, bids for road construction and electrical works are being evaluated.'
The project is structured around four critical milestones: completion of civil engineering works by May 2028, establishment of fluid handling systems and propellant storage facilities by July 2028, installation of launch pad facilities by September 2028, and full commissioning by March 2029, he said.
Dr Jitendra Singh shared that the Department of Space has announced plans to engage Indian private sector firms and MSMEs through a transparent tendering process aligned with the government's Make-in-India and Atmanirbhar Bharat initiatives as envisaged by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. UNI AJ SSP
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India's refurbished laptop market sees strong growth: Know the top-selling used models
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India's refurbished laptop market sees strong growth: Know the top-selling used models

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Layered onto these specific disputes are broader philosophical differences on the nature of farm support US frequently challenges India's minimum support price (MSP) mechanism—particularly its generous procurement and stockholding policies—as trade-distorting under WTO norms. But for India, the MSP regime is a non-negotiable pillar of its food security architecture. It guarantees a floor price to farmers and ensures buffer stocks for the government's massive food distribution schemes, which benefit hundreds of millions of low-income the BTA (bilateral trade agreement) discussions, India's red lines on agriculture were being pushed in return for no significant concessions by the US,' says Pradeep Mehta, founder secretary general of CUTS, a leading think-tank focused on trade negotiations. 'It is all 'take' and no 'give'—and that is not the template for a balanced negotiation.'After the massive farmers' protests of 2020-21, which forced the Narendra Modi government to repeal three controversial farm laws, any move seen as undermining MSPs would be political suicide. As Modi himself hinted in his speech, the 'personal price' of protecting farmers is one he is prepared to pay—a statement that may resonate with rural voters but effectively freezes any room for agricultural concessions in Indo-US trade the Trump administration, this hard line is frustrating. His return to office has revived the 'America First' playbook, and India's tight controls on agri-trade are once again being framed as 'unfair'. Trump views trade not as a long-term strategic alignment but as a scoreboard of economic wins and losses. His doctrine of 'reciprocity' demands that if American goods face high tariffs or non-tariff barriers, equivalent measures should be imposed in return. Under this rubric, India's continued duties on US wine, almonds, apples and processed foods are now back under the Trump administration has already started reviewing India's access to the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)—a duty-free benefits programme India lost during Trump's earlier term. India has quietly lobbied for its reinstatement, arguing that its removal hurt small and medium exporters. But Trump's current team appears even more combative, signalling that no such restoration will come unless India makes concrete concessions on agricultural market access, digital trade and tariff impasse is not limited to bilateral channels. The divide also plays out at the multilateral level, especially at the WTO, where India often leads the Global South resistance to reforms pushed by the US and EU. The most prominent of these disagreements is over food subsidies. The US wants tighter rules, more transparency, and stricter caps on what it sees as trade-distorting backed by countries like Indonesia and South Africa, argues that food security concerns in developing nations must take precedence. Modi's government, in particular, has projected India as a champion of Global South concerns—something that puts it on a collision course with US trade orthodoxy.'I am absolutely confident that PM Modi will not compromise on issues related to farmers, dairy and agriculture,' says Suresh Prabhu, former Union commerce minister. 'As commerce and industry minister in the first Modi government, taking care of these was our guiding principle while dealing with all countries, WTO and trade negotiations. We deployed several tools to protect these critical, vital national interests.'During Prabhu's time, New Delhi had resisted US pressure on reaching the deal at WTO's controversial Agreement on Agriculture, which would have pushed India to phase out the MSP mechanism and limit buffer stocks. India had used this stalemate to resist other conversations, such as building rules of e-commerce, thus further frustrating Washington. It all added to the friction, which has now come to a head. Trump's tariff escalation announcement is widely viewed in New Delhi as a retaliatory strike—not just against the stalemate in trade talks but also against India's growing strategic independence. Ironically, this escalation came just after India had hosted the IMEC convening, which included representatives from the US, EU, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. For India, IMEC is perhaps its most ambitious diplomatic balancing act yet—linking the country to western infrastructure partnerships while maintaining its non-aligned voice in BRICS and the Global South. That balancing act now appears under unpredictability only sharpens this tension. While Modi has built a working relationship with multiple US presidents—from Barack Obama to Joe Biden—Trump's transactional style and tendency to announce major policy moves via press statements or social media make quiet diplomacy increasingly difficult. Indian negotiators are wary of investing political capital in deals that could be upended result is a chilling effect. Even as India and the US continue to engage in high-level dialogues on defence, semiconductors, AI and space collaboration, the trade portfolio remains conspicuously frozen. While the US commerce secretary and India's trade minister have reiterated their commitment to resolving differences, there is no roadmap or timeline for a free trade agreement (FTA)—a deal once seen as the crown jewel of Indo-US ties.'There is first a need to build domestic consensus on agricultural reforms and create buy-in at home. Domestic ownership of agri reforms needs to be the foundation for any potential agricultural trade liberalisation. No other path is politically viable,' recommends the Modi government, this freeze may be a calculated choice. Instead of conceding to Washington, India is looking elsewhere. Trade agreements with the EU and Australia have moved forward, and bilateral investments with the UAE and Saudi Arabia are on the rise. India is also spearheading alternative payment systems, like Unified Payments Interface (UPI) linkages and rupee-dirham trade, to insulate itself from currency weaponisation and future economic the bigger message lies in Modi's August 7 speech. It was not just about agricultural policy. It was a declaration that India will chart its economic future on its own terms—even if that means losing trade benefits or enduring tariff pressure. The personal tone he adopted—acknowledging the political cost—signals that India's strategic autonomy is no longer a theoretical concept. It is the guiding principle of its economic US may still be India's most important partner in defence and technology, but on trade, the fault lines are growing too visible to ignore. Whether those lines can be bridged through backchannel diplomacy or will become permanent fractures will define the next phase of this complex, high-stakes relationship. For now, the signal from New Delhi is clear: India's farmers, and the politics they anchor, will not be sacrificed at the altar of a fast-tracked trade to India Today Magazine- EndsTune InMust Watch

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