
Before the missiles: How disinformation could spark Asia's next war
— Yuval Noah Harari, 21 Lessons for the 21st Century
In February 2022, Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine triggered the largest European conflict since World War II. But this war isn't just being fought with tanks and missiles — it's also a relentless battle over truth and perception.
From Kyiv to Moscow, and from Washington to Beijing, propaganda, disinformation and media manipulation have become critical tools of modern warfare.
While most of the spotlight remains on physical battlegrounds, the struggle for narrative dominance is strongly shaping the war's trajectory. The information war is being waged globally — and Asia is watching closely.
As geopolitical tensions rise across the Indo-Pacific, particularly in Taiwan, the South China Sea and as ever the Korean Peninsula, the Russia-Ukraine conflict offers sobering lessons in how disinformation can be used to destabilize, divide and dominate.
Propaganda has long been used to manufacture consent, justify aggression and suppress dissent. In the 21st century, however, its scope and scale have grown exponentially thanks to digital platforms, algorithmic amplification and a fragmented media landscape.
Russian state media outlets such as RT and Sputnik have become central to the Kremlin's narrative strategy. These platforms don't simply broadcast news — they shape realities.
By framing Russia's actions as 'defensive' and painting Ukraine as a Western puppet state, Moscow has rallied domestic support and muddied international waters.
But the West has its own narratives. US and European media frame the conflict as an unprovoked invasion of a sovereign nation — a framing reinforced by NATO, EU institutions and global human rights organizations.
The result? Competing realities where audiences consume drastically different versions of the same event.
The World Economic Forum's Global Risks Report 2024 lists 'misinformation and disinformation' among the top threats to global stability. In conflict zones, this threat is magnified.
False narratives, deepfakes and coordinated campaigns blur the line between fact and fiction, weakening public trust in journalism, governance and even democracy itself.
This erosion of trust extends far beyond Ukraine. In Asia, governments from India to the Philippines have faced and used disinformation campaigns—both foreign and domestic—that polarize societies and distort elections.
In Taiwan, digital propaganda from China aims to discredit the democratic process and sow division. These aren't isolated incidents — they're previews of a future shaped by invisible warfare.
Media framing plays a decisive role in how populations understand conflict. According to Erving Goffman's Framing Theory, how information is presented influences how people perceive reality.
Consider the 2022 missile strike on a shopping mall in Kremenchuk, a city in Ukraine. Western media labeled it a deliberate Russian attack on civilians, citing satellite imagery and Ukrainian sources. Russian outlets claimed the target was a military facility and accused Western media of exaggeration.
The incident exemplifies how the same event can generate two divergent truths — one for the West, another for Russia's domestic audience.
Propaganda doesn't just manipulate facts — it manufactures consensus. During Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, state media claimed 95% of residents supported the move, despite reports of coercion and a lack of international observers.
The goal wasn't just to legitimize the annexation — it was to silence dissent by presenting unity as fact.
In Asia, similar tactics have been used to frame controversial actions. China's handling of Hong Kong protests, India's narrative around Kashmir or Myanmar's coverage of the Rohingya crisis all show how governments use media control to build the illusion of national consensus while marginalizing opposition voices.
One of the most troubling consequences of information warfare is the creation of parallel realities.
In Russia, the invasion of Ukraine is widely seen as a 'special military operation' to protect ethnic Russians and counter NATO aggression. In the West, it is viewed as a blatant breach of international law.
This polarization makes diplomatic dialogue nearly impossible. When populations are fed mutually exclusive worldviews, compromise becomes a sign of weakness, not progress.
This pattern is visible in Asia as well — from cross-Strait relations between China and Taiwanto domestic divides over foreign policy in Japan and South Korea.
Despite intense propaganda from Russian media and its allies, Ukrainian public opinion has remained largely pro-Western. A 2023 poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology found that 89% of Ukrainians support NATO membership. Even in historically pro-Russian areas, support for Ukrainian sovereignty is rising.
However, war fatigue is setting in. Gallup reported that support for fighting until total victory dropped from 73% in 2022 to 38% in 2023. These shifting sentiments highlight the psychological toll of prolonged conflict — a reality that authoritarian regimes often exploit through information manipulation.
The Russia-Ukraine war offers a grim forecast of what unchecked disinformation can do — not just to nations at war, but to the international system at large.
For Asia, the implications are clear: if disinformation remains unchallenged, it will continue to erode public trust, undermine democratic institutions and inflame regional tensions.
The Indo-Pacific is already a hotspot for narrative battles. China's media expansion, North Korea's cyber propaganda, and growing domestic disinformation in Southeast Asia all point to a future where digital influence operations become the norm.
Asia must invest in media literacy, cybersecurity and cross-border collaboration to defend against this invisible warfare. Otherwise, the next major battle may be fought not with weapons, but with words — and Asia could be the next front line.
The Russia-Ukraine conflict isn't just reshaping Eastern Europe — it's redefining how wars are fought and understood. As Harari suggests, the greatest threat may not be that people believe lies, but that they cease to believe anything at all.
For Asia, the stakes couldn't be higher. As information becomes weaponized, the region must act decisively to protect truth, transparency, and trust — before reality itself becomes just another battleground.
Zaheer Ahmed Baloch is an international relations scholar focused on security & media dynamics in global affairs
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


AllAfrica
32 minutes ago
- AllAfrica
US may've lost a battle, refreshing China-India ‘ChIndia' dreams
As US President Donald Trump met in Washington with his Ukrainian counterpart,Volodymyr Zelensky and a group of European leaders, China and India were revamping their ties in Delhi, casting global diplomacy in an opposite direction. The Washington encounter had a clear goal: to frame a general agreement between American allies. It had to secure Ukrainian security and kick off a realistic peace process with Russia. Its implementation is still uncertain. Thus, what happened in Delhi could be crucial. The August 18-20 trip of China's State Counselor Wang Yi to India had a much vaguer outline. It rekindled complex neighborly relations. But the image it projected was formidable. China and India make up 40% of the global population. For decades, they have been pushing their economies to grow faster than those of the Western world. They met under the shadow of warmer ties with Russia and increasing suspicions or animosity toward America. China and India agreed to resume direct flights, issuing visas to journalists and facilitating business and cultural exchanges. On social media, India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi noted 'respect' for each other's interests and sensitivities. At the same time, Wang said the countries had entered a 'steady development track' and should 'trust and support' each other. In an article, veteran diplomat Vijay Gokhale neatly argued the reasons for the rapprochement (see here). India is wary of China because the massive neighbor cultivates disruptive ties with countries in its backyard: Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar. However, Gokhale underlines that India needs China to offset some American demands. 'India needs better engagement with China to counter many Western pressures and choke points,' said the ex-chief diplomat. He indirectly responds to the new Trump tariff pressures that put India in the worst category. Both Chinese and Indian diplomats ignored or downplayed the violent border clashes from just a couple of years ago. A new horizon seemed to open in Asia. In the early 2000s, China and India explored the idea of strengthening their bilateral relations. The concept of ChIndia — China plus India — emerged. However, the project soon lost steam because of bilateral reservations and China's deep-seated contempt for India. Many Chinese pundits feel India is just a house of cards. In 1962, the two countries fought a border war, and despite Beijing's extreme weakness (it was on the heels of the disastrous Great Leap Forward), Delhi lost. This memory stays with China, which often hasn't taken India too seriously. A weaker Quad With the failure of ChIndia, India shifted its international stance and moved closer to the United States. India joined the Asian defense mechanism Quad with Japan, Australia and America, clearly aimed at China. Yet, now, despite Quad, the US targets India with punitive tariffs, ostensibly over its purchases of Russian oil. At the same time, China, despite the Quad, opens trade and technological exchanges, and it's apparently treated with kid gloves by America. India's decision to strengthen ties with China won't necessarily mean it will leave the Quad. India has signed free trade agreements with the EU and the UK, and it has strong ties with Japan, wary of China's intentions. Still, the latest developments will undoubtedly give Russia more wiggle room in Asia and influence its peace negotiations on Ukraine. The ghost of the tripartite alliance between Russia, China and India – first envisaged by former Russian Foreign Minister Primakov some 30 years ago – becomes less bizarre. On the Russian front, the trip to India is insufficient to offset the new agreement with European allies clinched in Washington. However, it shows that China is quick on its feet and ready to move into every little crevice America and its allies leave open. Moreover, China has done a significant favor to Russia in a delicate moment, making it less easy for Moscow to turn its back on China in any future talks with the US. The silent goal of peace with Russia is allegedly to turn Moscow away from its embrace with China. Now it might be harder. A new Russia-India-China (RIC) relationship could be more stable than a bilateral Russia-China pact. It's a global game of Go/Weiqi. Each player tries to encircle the adversary and avoid being encircled. The danger is that while one feels it has surrounded the opponent, the opponent has encircled you in a bigger loop. The Chinese invented the game. This article was first published by Appia Institute, of which the author is director. It is republished with permission.


RTHK
2 hours ago
- RTHK
'Russia must be part of Ukraine security talks'
'Russia must be part of Ukraine security talks' Sergei Lavrov said any talks on security guarantees for Ukraine without Russian involvement is a "road to nowhere." Photo: Reuters Russia said on Wednesday attempts to resolve security issues relating to Ukraine without Moscow's participation were a "road to nowhere," sounding a warning to the West as it scrambles to work out guarantees for Kyiv's future protection. Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov particularly criticised the role of European leaders who met US President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at the White House on Monday to discuss security guarantees for Ukraine that could help end the three-and-a-half-year-old war. "We cannot agree with the fact that now it is proposed to resolve questions of security, collective security, without the Russian Federation. This will not work," Lavrov told a joint press conference after meeting Jordan's foreign minister. US and European military planners have begun exploring post-conflict security guarantees for Ukraine, US officials and sources told Reuters on Tuesday. Lavrov said such discussions without Russia were pointless. "I am sure that in the West and above all in the United States they understand perfectly well that seriously discussing security issues without the Russian Federation is a utopia, it's a road to nowhere," he said. Lavrov also accused the European leaders who met Trump and Zelensky of carrying out "a fairly aggressive escalation of the situation, rather clumsy and, in general, unethical attempts to change the position of the Trump administration and the president of the United States personally... We did not hear any constructive ideas from the Europeans there." Trump said on Monday the United States would help guarantee Ukraine's security in any deal to end Russia's war there. He subsequently said he had ruled out putting US troops in Ukraine, but the US might provide air support as part of a deal to end the hostilities. Meanwhile, Nato military chiefs held a virtual summit on security guarantees for Ukraine. "On #Ukraine, we confirmed our support. Priority continues to be a just, credible and durable peace," the chair of the alliance's military committee, Admiral Giuseppe Cavo Dragone, wrote on X after the meeting. This came as Polish officials said that an object that crashed in a cornfield in eastern Poland overnight was likely a Russian drone. Poland accused Russia of provoking Nato countries just as efforts to find an end to the war were intensifying. "Once again, we are dealing with a provocation by the Russian Federation, with a Russian drone. We are dealing in a crucial moment, when discussions about peace (in Ukraine) are under way," Defence Minister Wladyslaw Kosiniak-Kamysz said. (Reuters)


South China Morning Post
2 hours ago
- South China Morning Post
Jailed French researcher faces new Russian espionage charge, court says
French researcher Laurent Vinatier, already jailed in Russia on charges of violating the country's 'foreign agent' laws, now faces a new espionage charge, according to court documents cited by Russian news agencies. Vinatier was jailed for three years last October for failing to comply with laws requiring individuals deemed 'foreign agents' to register and meet a number of stipulations. His appeal against the sentence was thrown out in February. The FSB security service had accused Vinatier of failing to register as a foreign agent in Russia while collecting military information of value to foreign intelligence services. Russian news agencies quoted documents from Moscow's Lefortovo Court as saying he would now be charged under espionage laws, without providing further details. A hearing was set for Monday. Vinatier, 49, is one of several Westerners to have been charged under Russian security laws at a time of tense confrontation between Moscow and the West over the war in Ukraine.