The top of the tree response to crises
In the present day and age, human beings have been displaying so much variety in their mindset that it is safe to presume that we have somewhat evolved. One of the major differentiators of a society's progress is the ability to think originally, with creativity and hopefully with empathy too.
Any and every crisis that our nation faces, howsoever gruesome or painful it may be, actually represents an opportunity for our leadership to show its true mettle.
It also provides you and me, common citizens, with a chance to prove how level-headed and equanimous we can be, even in the face of terrible times. Yet, how facile it is to slide down the mega winding slide of cynicism and doubtfulness! Swimming upstream is not everybody's cup of tea, but when the chips are down, and when everyone around us seems to be full of venom and vile, some of us have to go against the tide. And if highly intellectual, experienced, responsible individuals do not do so, then why expect the rest of humanity to rise to each challenge?
There's a saying attributed to the revered Guru Nanak Dev which basically means that we should agree with others (when the cause is noble).
This sense of agreement with another and indeed willingness to not allow the ego to interfere with better sense is a sign of inner victories that are essentially intangible. But to spiral downward and hurtle towards lowly thoughts and reckless speech (or texts) against others is not a victory in any form. Present day citizens of India must appreciate and understand the spirit behind the teachings of its great saints like Guru Nanak.
Paramhansa Yoganananda, author of 'Autobiography of a Yogi', strongly emphasised the fact that humankind has much opportunity in life to take decisions as per dynamic challenging situations that confront us. And the use of right thinking, discerning, will power is what human beings must prioritise.
Thus, to vent anger against a particular community or nation is not the sign of a healthy collective mindset. All nations must display foresight and understanding before exercising violent or even aggressive options.
But for that, leaders have to raise the levels of their own consciousness and be statesmanlike in their demeanour and mindset. Sadly, there is no figment of such level headedness in evidence upon today's global firmament.
A large-hearted response is expected of mature individuals in personal confrontations as well. But the top of the tree approach is rarely visible even among those donning positions in the top echelons of the proverbial ladder.
Relationships break down on the slightest of pretexts at times but a saner, more reasoned thought process might avert many such diabolical debacles.
In the present day context, it is worthwhile to refrain from forwarding unsubstantiated and potentially inflammatory posts. The unthinking 'straight forward' type of guy, who has been highlighted in these columns before is the one to watch out for. An hour or so later, some sensible group member will point out that a post which has already been forwarded many times was actually a deep fake post. The damage has been done by then, almost irrevocably.
Heads of communities, of institutions, and even of families, are almost as much saddled with the onus of remaining balanced, as are leaders of nations.
With the bizarre brigade running riot on social and anti-social media channels, my vote is with a calming influencer than with one who is prone to running amok. Let's endeavour to be saner , cooler, calmer voices, even in times of strife.
vivek.atray@gmail.com
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Indian Express
22-05-2025
- Indian Express
How caste permeated the Sikh community
In the heart of India's national capital, Gurdwara Bangla Sahib, draws a diverse crowd — the devoted, the distressed, and the day tripper. Piety, peace, and the absence of prejudice are aspects that bring them here. When Guru Gobind Singh, the 10th Guru of Sikhism, created the Khalsa (pure) in 1699, he envisioned something similar. Having selected a Brahmin, a Kshatriya, and three lower castes, whom he called the Panj Pyare (Five Beloved), Guru Gobind Singh baptised them. Part of the process included a promise to observe the five Ks: kesh (unshorn hair), kangha (comb), kachha (shorts), kara (steel bangle), and kirpan (sword). 'At the end of the ceremony, he hailed the five with the new greeting- 'Wah guru ji da Khalsa – Wah guru ji di Fateh' (the Khalsa are the chosen of God -victory be to our God),' notes author and lawyer Khushwant Singh, in A History of Sikhs. Sikhism, although a synthesis of Hinduism and Islam, has since its inception denounced the caste system. Yet caste, as a social category, remains predominant among Sikhs. Thirty-nine castes in Punjab are officially listed as Scheduled Castes (SC). According to author Harnik Deol, in Religion and Nationalism in India: The case of Punjab, however, caste among Sikhs has no 'doctrinal injunction,' and is merely a 'cultural construction.' This raises some questions: how deeply has a 'cultural construct' influenced both public opinion and policy in Punjab? And, to what extent has caste permeated the Sikh community? Sikhism, founded by Guru Nanak in the fifteenth century, is often considered one of the youngest religions in the world. After renouncing family life and pursuing asceticism, Guru Nanak took a low-caste Hindu and a Muslim musician as his companions to preach his experience to the masses. Not only did he reject caste distinction, but also the idolatry of Hinduism. For Guru Nanak, writes Deol, 'The Supreme Being was formless (nirankar) and reveals itself through its creation.' Guru Nanak's successors propagated his message. The fifth Guru, Guru Arjan Dev, built a gurdwara in Amritsar, Sri Harmandir Sahib, also known as Sri Darbar Sahib or Golden Temple. It was designed to have four doors, instead of one, as observed in Hindu temples, to signal that the shrine was open to people from all castes. While Hinduism institutionalised the four-fold Varna and jati system, Sikhism rejected such hierarchies. Sikh Gurus preached anti-caste messages, and Sikh scriptures included writings of saints and poets who were formerly 'untouchables' in Hindu society. By the time of the ninth guru, Guru Tegh Bahadur, congregational worship (sangat), eating together (langars), and setting up large-scale pilgrim centres had become common practices which defied brahmanical ritual hierarchy and established Sikhism as distinct from Hinduism. 'The rise of Sikhism… was a 'political revolt' against the prevailing social order based on hierarchy and humiliation,' writes sociologist and professor Surinder S Jodhka in his journal article Sikh Religion and Contentions around Caste. Citing the Sikh dictum, Sikh Studies specialist Eleanor Nesbitt in Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction, writes: 'A Sikh should be a Brahmin in piety, a Kshatriya in defence of truth and the oppressed, a Vaishya in business acumen and hard work, and a Shudra in serving humanity…' In an interview with Jodhka, however, argues: 'Caste is definitely there in Punjab. It's there among Sikhs, it's there in Sikh institutions. It is not absent.' Khushwant Singh wrote, 'Although… it was closer to Islam than Hinduism, in practice, in ritual, and above all in social affinities, [Sikhism] never quite succeeded in freeing itself of Hindu influence.' The Sikhs emerged as a powerful political and military force by the late eighteenth century. By the first quarter of the nineteenth century, a Sikh empire with an efficient army was formed under the leadership of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. However, caste too had a place in the empire. Deol argues in his book that under Sikh rule, 'a body of guru lineages and other holy men — the Sanatan Sikhs' were tasked by the aristocracy and landed classes to perform rituals. This group, unlike the Khalsa Sikhs, not only controlled Sikh shrines but also kept unshorn hair, believed in idol worship and considered the caste system central to the Sikh faith. 'Gurudwara priests [mahants] were accused of committing sacrilege by instating Hindu idols in the precincts of the Golden Temple, the premier Sikh shrine,' notes Deol. In British Punjab (annexed in 1849), caste and religion were employed not just as markers of identity but also as the tools of administration. The ten-yearly census, requiring inhabitants to identify their caste and religion, made Sikhs extremely conscious of their minority status as compared to the Muslim and Hindu communities. The rapidly increasing missionary activity in the region, which successfully 'converted' the untouchable castes in Punjab, further triggered anxiety among upper caste Sikhs. The colonial education and employment policies also favoured one section of subjects by labelling them as 'Martial Races,' indicating their suitability for the colonial army, while marginalising the others. The newly introduced British land revenue policies worsened the emerging caste division in Punjab. While agrarian communities, such as the Jats, were given ownership rights of agricultural lands, Dalits, traders, and moneylenders were excluded and classified as non-agriculturalists. The Punjab Land Alienation Act of 1900 further prohibited the sale and transfer of land from the agriculturalist castes to non-agriculturalists. 'The colonial policies thus worked towards reinforcing the prevailing divisions of castes in Punjabi,' says Jodhka. The early twentieth century also saw the rise of Sikh reformers who sought to rescue Sikhism from the tyranny of priestly mahants. Not only did they revolt to eliminate mahants from gurdwaras, but they also formed the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) in November 1920 to manage the gurdwaras and, a month later, the Akali Dal as its task force. Notably, Dalits were now granted entry into the Golden Temple in Amritsar, a practice previously restricted under the rule of mahants. 'After the formation of SGPC, the reformist leadership made conscious efforts to recruit 'low-caste' Sikhs as religious functionaries in the Gurdwaras and perform the duties of pathis, ragis, and sewadars,' writes Jodhka. The presence of casteism within the community, however, was publicly acknowledged on the eve of Indian Independence. The Sikh representatives in the committee in charge of drafting a Constitution for independent India insisted that the 'untouchable' castes within the Sikhs be included in the list of Scheduled Castes (SCs). This recognition, they argued, would help Sikh untouchables pursue higher education and secure government jobs. The SGPC, too, reserved 20 out of 170 seats for the SC Sikhs. Several anthropologists conducting fieldwork in Punjab around the mid-twentieth century, cited by Jodhka, found that caste was deeply integrated with the agrarian economy. Tom Kessinger was one such scholar whose 1974 study, Vilyatpur (1848–1968): Social and Economic Change in a North Indian Village, established that the landowning castes of Sahota Jats were the dominant group controlling the village economy and subjugating the tenant, labour, and artisan classes. Anthropologist IP Singh's fieldwork (1950), in a village in Amritsar, revealed similar results. He found that the village was divided into two groups: the 'touchable' Sardars and the 'untouchables.' The latter comprised nearly half the village population, with the 'Mazhbis' being ranked the lowest. Singh found that they fetched their drinking water from a separate well, meant exclusively for their use. At marriages and social gatherings of the Sardars, they were made to sit in separate queues. Food, too, was only served to them at the end. 'The landowning Jats occasionally visited the houses of their Mazhbi labourers as they needed them for work in their fields. However, they did so as a gesture of patronage,' writes Jodhka. However, on festivals like Lohri and Holi, and at gurdwaras, Singh did not find the observance of untouchability. The caste landscape of the Sikhs can thus be divided into three broad categories: the Dalits (SCs), the Backwards (OBCs), and the upper castes. Thirty-nine communities are listed as Scheduled Castes, while other groups such as Ramgarhias, Labanas, Kambojs, Jhinwars, and Gujjars are among the 70 communities listed as OBCs, and a majority of whom identify as Sikhs. The third cluster of caste groups, as listed by Jodhka, is the upper castes. The most prominent among these are the Jats, Khatris, and Aroras. 'When it comes to questions of institutional power, the ones who have political power, the ones who have economic power, are the Jats,' says Jodhka. Yet, Jodhka cautions, 'Although caste is very much present in Sikhism, one must not conclude that it's a Brahmanical hierarchy system. There are no Brahmins among Sikhs, and Sikh institutions are proactively anti-exclusion and anti-hierarchy. Sikhism is a non-sectarian religion.' It is kinship practices, marriage alliances, and electoral politics that characterise contemporary Punjab as a caste-based society. Arranged marriage alliances are in strict accordance with caste norms, and with a few exceptions, chief ministers of Punjab have all been Sikh Jats. WH McLeod, Western historian of Sikhism, in his study, The Evolution of the Sikh Community: Five Essays, remarked: 'A reasonable conclusion appears to be that whereas they [Sikhs] were vigorously opposed to the vertical distinction of caste, they were content to accept it in terms of its horizontal linkages.' While Khuswant Singh argued that 'Sikhism did not succeed in breaking the caste system,' Jodhka suggests: 'Sikhism has the resources to deal with casteism and has also been doing it.' Further reading Sikh Religion and Contentions around Caste by Surinder S. Jodhka Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction by Eleanor Nesbitt Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of Punjab by Harnik Deol A History of the Sikhs (Volume I: 1469-1839) by Khushwant Singh
Hindustan Times
11-05-2025
- Hindustan Times
Punjab: Ceasefire ignites hope for Kartarpur Corridor reopening
The ceasefire between India and Pakistan has brought renewed hope to Indian devotees eager to visit Gurdwara Darbar Sahib in Kartarpur, the final resting place of Sikhism founder Guru nanak, located in Pakistan's Narowal district. The Kartarpur Corridor — a visa-free passage facilitating access to this historic Sikh shrine — had been closed by Indian authorities following rising tensions between the two neighbours after the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack. Although Pakistan continued to keep its side of the corridor open, India suspended the pilgrimage on until further notice. On the morning of May 7, approximately 150 Sikh pilgrims, who had arrived at the Dera Baba Nanak Integrated Check Post in Punjab's Gurdaspur district, were turned back after waiting over 90 minutes, as the corridor was abruptly shut. Despite the ceasefire, Indian authorities have yet to announce when the pilgrimage will resume. 'We have not yet received any official communication from the government,' confirmed Gurdaspur deputy commissioner Dalwinderjit Singh. Nevertheless, the Sikh community remains optimistic. 'The ceasefire is a positive step. We urge the ministry of external affairs to reopen the Kartarpur Sahib Corridor — the religious gateway to friendship between India and Pakistan — at the earliest,' said principal (retd) Kulwant Singh Ankhi, a social worker and patron of the Amritsar Vikas Manch. He highlighted that the corridor was inaugurated in November 2019, on the 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Dev, after decades of demand from the Sikh community. Dera Baba Nanak resident Baba Sukhdeep Singh Bedi, a descendant of Guru Nanak, echoed the sentiment: 'The recent hostilities cast a shadow over the future of the corridor. This ceasefire is welcome news for us. We struggled for many years to see this corridor become a reality.' Kawaljit Singh, a resident of Kapurthala, shared his personal disappointment at the closure. 'I had been planning this pilgrimage for months. The shutdown made me fear I'd never get the chance. But now, with the ceasefire in place, I hope the corridor reopens soon by God's grace.' The Kartarpur Corridor, jointly inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan on November 9, 2019, grants Indian pilgrims visa-free, dawn-to-dusk access to the revered shrine. Stretching 4.7 km, it connects Dera Baba Nanak Sahib in India's Punjab with Gurdwara Darbar Sahib in Pakistan, believed to be the final resting place of Guru Nanak Dev. Although the corridor was temporarily shut during the COVID-19 pandemic, it reopened on November 17, 2021, and the agreement governing its operation was renewed for five more years in 2024.
The Hindu
10-05-2025
- The Hindu
Fact checking: Government debunks claims of India attacking Nankana Sahib in Pakistan, other disinformation
The government on Saturday (May 10, 2025) debunked claims that India had launched a drone attack on the Nankana Sahib gurdwara in Pakistan. "A video shared on social media is claiming that India has carried out a drone attack on the Nankana Sahib gurdwara. This claim is completely fake," the PIB Fact Check Unit said. Such content was being circulated to create communal hatred in India, it said. Nankana Sahib is the birthplace of Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism, and the gurdwara is a revered shrine and pilgrimage centre for Sikhs. The government also dismissed as "fake" certain social media posts claiming that an Indian pilot ejected from his fighter aircraft in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and that a woman Air Force pilot was captured in Pakistan. The government also debunked claims that India's power grid had been rendered dysfunctional in a cyberattack by Pakistan, and that there had been a temporary closure of the Mumbai-Delhi airline route. "These claims are fake," the government said. The Airports Authority of India (AAI) has extended the temporary closure of 25 segments of Air Traffic Service (ATS) routes within the Delhi and Mumbai Flight Information Regions due to operational reasons, it said. The government also said an old video showing Indian soldiers crying was actually of youngsters from a private defence coaching centre celebrating their selection in the Army. The PIB Fact Check Unit said the video in question was uploaded on Instagram on April 27 and was not related to the Army. "The video depicts students from a private defence coaching institute celebrating their selection into the Indian Army. The youth in the video reportedly became emotional with joy upon receiving news of their successful recruitment," it said. The government also debunked reports in a section of foreign media about 10 explosions around the airport in Srinagar on Friday (May 9, 2025), as well as separate claims of blasts near the Jaipur airport. "These claims are fake. Rely only on official sources for authentic information," a government official said. The PIB Fact Check Unit also said that claims on social media about destruction of Indian army posts were false and that a video shared in this regard dated back to 2020. "This video is old and NOT related to any activity post Operation Sindoor. The video was originally uploaded on YouTube on Nov 15, 2020," it said.
