
CPEC phase II to be launched during Pak PMs China visit
PTI
Last Updated:
Islamabad, Aug 20 (PTI) Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif's visit to China later this month will mark the formal launch of the second phase of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, focal person on the multi-billion-dollar bilateral initiative said here.
Planning Minister Ahsan Iqbal made the official announcement during a high-level meeting on Tuesday to review preparations for the forthcoming session of the Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) of the second phase of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC-II), as well as the prime minister's scheduled visit to Beijing.
'Prime minister's upcoming visit will mark the formal launch of CPEC-II, with both sides expected to set clear priorities and agree on tangible, measurable outcomes," minister Iqbal was quoted by Dawn as saying on Wednesday.
While the JCC is expected to meet in October, official sources said the prime minister will travel to Beijing at the end of this month to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit from August 31 to September 1.
On the sidelines, Sharif is also expected to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian leader Vladimir Putin.
The planning minister stressed that the future of CPEC 'must be anchored in quality rather than quantity," emphasising that only carefully selected, high-impact projects should be advanced to ensure sustainability and institutional strengthening.
The CPEC, which connects Gwadar Port in Pakistan's Balochistan with China's Xinjiang province, is the flagship project under Beijing's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
China has invested in various power projects and road networks in Pakistan under the USD 60 billion CPEC plan. However, the implementation of various projects had slowed last year following terror attacks on Chinese personnel working on the ventures.
Iqbal also disclosed that during his recent visit to China, he had conveyed PM Sharif's invitation to President Xi to visit Islamabad in 2026 to commemorate the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China.
Underscoring the need to expand Pakistan's trade and export footprint in China, the minister directed the authorities concerned to resolve visa processing delays on priority to facilitate genuine businesspersons.
He also instructed the preparation of an outcome-focused plan to diversify exports, enhance industrial linkages, and maximise benefits from market access under CPEC.
The minister also noted that with China importing goods worth over USD 2 trillion annually, Pakistan should strategically aim to capture at least USD 30-50 billion of this trade by building competitiveness and sectoral readiness, according to Dawn. PTI SH NPK NPK
view comments
First Published:
August 20, 2025, 16:00 IST
Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Loading comments...
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hindustan Times
4 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Review: Asia After Europe by Sugata Bose
In college, a professor often went on diatribes against Eurocentrism, the practice of viewing the world through the lens of the hegemonic West. While he earnestly taught us the prescribed syllabus for philosophy students, he bemoaned its overwhelming focus on Western philosophy at the expense of, say, Indian, Arab, or Chinese thought. The Asian future: Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the G20 Summit in New Delhi on September 9, 2023. (HT Photo) 288pp, ₹699; Harvard University Press However, even as he exhorted us to be aware of our Western blinkers, he acknowledged the impossibility of completely discarding them within our current modes of knowledge production and dissemination. After all, he was railing in English, the link language for us students from across India. But in doing so, he left us with an appreciation of the assumptions that constitute the bedrock of our worldview, what kinds of knowledge we privilege, and the indigenous thinkers and systems we remain unaware of. While this idea has a long lineage in academic circles, it has not always filtered down to the public sphere. In some cases, it has done so in a rather perverse manner. Take the case of the Indian extremists who use the idea of 'decolonisation' to justify parochialism and subjugate minorities. Ironically, their worldview and ideals derive heavily from European fascist ideology. So, in the very act of highlighting their identity in opposition to the West, they adopt European frameworks of identity and nationalism. That is why I think my professor would have approved of Sugata Bose's Asia After Europe: Imagining a Continent in the Long Twentieth Century. Through the works of scholars and political leaders across Asia and the interactions between them, it explores their visions of Asian solidarity and universalism, and the evolution of Asian thought, politics, and art. They not only challenged European colonial precepts, but also conceptualised alternatives to dominant European narratives and debates. In the book, we encounter Okakura Tenshin, José Rizal, Jamaluddin al-Afghani, and Benoy Kumar Sarkar, among other luminaries of the 20th century and earlier. These names might not be as familiar to non-scholars as some of the more notable ones who figure in Bose's account, such as Rabindranath Tagore and Chiang Kai-shek. Yet, they are no less fascinating. Rizal was a Filipino writer and nationalist, whom the Spanish colonial government executed in 1896. He became a unifying symbol of Asian resistance against Western imperialist domination. Okakura, a Japanese art critic and champion of Asian unity, travelled to India and had close links with Swami Vivekananda and Rabindranath Tagore. Al-Afghani, born in Iran, was a 'proponent of Islamic fraternity rather than Asian solidarity', though Bose emphasises that there was significant overlap between the two. Al-Afghani travelled across West and South Asia, and in the latter, stressed Hindu-Muslim unity against the British. Sarkar, an 'energetic, globe-trotting Indian intellectual', visited China and Japan, met intellectuals and politicians there, and extensively documented his journeys and geopolitical insights. The book succinctly captures attempts to forge an Asian identity and consciousness, visions of Asian solidarity, and the schisms caused by intra-Asian wars and conflicts. It provides a refreshing account of Asian histories in relation to each other, often without the Western lens that most works on the continent adopt. Asia has now bypassed other regions as the largest producer, exporter, importer, and consumer of goods. With many heralding the 21st century as the Asian century, Bose's book highlights what potential connections and collaborations between Asian nations could look like. He also explores what it would take for the continent to chart a future that 'expands and not destroys the aspirations of humanity'. In the preface, the author says that he has written the book 'in an accessible literary style for a broad readership'. Indeed, interesting anecdotes, such as about Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru rushing to help Chinese First Lady Madame Chiang put on her shoes during a visit to Shantiniketan, make Bose's historical exploration and arguments engaging. While the book largely eschews jargon and does not require an intimate knowledge of 20th-century history, it would have been good if it had provided more context for the non-scholar. Take, for example, the idea of Asia vis-a-vis Europe. While European nations' collective participation in the European Union and free movements across borders in the Schengen zone have lately reinforced the notion of the continent as a unified entity, it is an idea with a long history. Of course, plenty of myth-making and propaganda over centuries have helped shape it. For example, Europeans assert their antecedence in Greek and Roman empires, while conveniently glossing over how Arab scholars mediated their engagement with these civilisations. They claim the continent is built on Enlightenment ideals (natural law, liberty, rationalism, tolerance, etc.) despite their history of colonisation and perpetuating atrocities on the rest of the world. So, while the notion of Europe might be perverted and self-serving, there is some narrative underpinning it, no matter how flawed. What would an analogous conception of Asia look like? Can one find — or invent — common features among its disparate nations? Are there any unifying links between countries thousands of miles apart, say, Japan and Jordan? There are no clear answers, more so given that the idea of Asia as a singular landmass is also an arbitrary European construct. Historian Sugata Bose (Samir Jana/HT Photo) Nevertheless, the author explores several responses to these questions, such as Sarkar's 'three-fold basis of Asiatic Unity' and pan-Asian art and cultural initiatives, among others. While these are quite illuminating, I wish he had further investigated the meta-critiques regarding what constitutes Asia, especially the continent's conceptions that do not merely rely on Europe as a frame of reference. Besides, the book predominantly focuses on Japan, India, and China, with only fleeting references to the other countries that make up the continent. Would an idea of Asia defined largely by these three regional powers be representative of the entire region? Or would it replicate the hegemonic influence of wealthy western European nations over the idea of Europe? A deeper exploration of these debates would have helped better contextualise Bose's cogent and insightful account. Syed Saad Ahmed is a journalist and communications professional. In 2024, he was selected as a Boston Congress of Public Health Thought Leadership Fellow. He speaks five languages and has taught English in France.


India.com
34 minutes ago
- India.com
‘Sudarshan Chakra, You Mean?': Russian Envoy's Hindi Twist On S-400 Question Stuns Everyone
New Delhi: A press briefing at the Russian Embassy turned lively on Wednesday (August 20) when Roman Babushkin, Charge d'Affairs of Moscow to New Delhi, chose a uniquely Indian term for Russia's most advanced air defence system. The question came from a journalist on whether India might consider air defence systems like Israel's Iron Dome. Babushkin smiled, leaned forward and asked in return, 'You mean Sudarshan Chakra?' He did not stop there. With an amused expression, he added, 'Next time ask in Hindi, I can answer better!' India has already purchased the S-400 missile system from Russia. In Indian defence circles, the system carries the tag of 'Sudarshan Chakra'. It came into the spotlight during the four-day clash with Pakistan in May, when the system intercepted enemy missiles and proved its battlefield effectiveness. The comment arrives at a time when the term Sudarshan Chakra has been freshly associated with Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Independence Day speech. He spoke about Mission Sudarshan Chakra, an ambitious national project to build a homegrown air defence shield. The goal is to protect both civilian centres and strategic assets from aerial threats. Babushkin opened the briefing with a warm gesture toward his hosts. In clear Hindi, he declared, 'Shuruat karengey… Shree Ganesh Karengey!' The hall responded with laughter and applause. Throughout the interaction, the deputy chief of mission spoke warmly about India-Russia relations. He also turned sharply critical of American trade policy. Tariffs on India from Washington, he said, show 'a lack of trust and disrespect for national sovereignty'. He stressed that Moscow will remain open for Indian goods. If tariffs in the United States create obstacles, he said, Russia would 'welcome' Indian exports.

Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Putin's Trade Booster To Friend India After Trump's Sanctions Stunt
Another day, another attack on India by the Trump administration. Of course, each day it sounds more bizarre, illogical and personal. White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt has said that US President Donald Trump imposed tariffs on India to deter Russia from pursuing the Ukraine conflict. Trump has doubled India's tariff to 50 per cent by slapping an additional 25 per cent levy on the previously announced 25 per cent as punishment for buying Russian mind the fact, that in the early days of the Ukraine war, it was the US that actually encouraged India to buy Russian oil,in order to stabilise the international oil markets. Now, the same United States is gunning for India with a vengeance, singling it out for its purchase of Russian oil, and accusing it of fattening Putin's war chest.