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No time, no lawyer, no rights: ICE memo sparks panic over third-country deportations

No time, no lawyer, no rights: ICE memo sparks panic over third-country deportations

Miami Herald10 hours ago
Immigrant communities across South Florida are on edge after a newly revealed immigration memo from the Trump administration confirmed that migrants could now be deported to countries other than their own with as little as six hours' notice — even in cases where those countries offer no guarantees of safety.
The policy, laid out in a July 9 memo by Todd Lyons, acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, expands the controversial use of 'third-country deportations.' Immigration lawyers, human rights advocates and families say the rule marks one of the most extreme deportation tactics yet under President Donald Trump's hardline immigration approach.
'It is really chaos, what they are creating,' said Elizabeth Amaran, a Miami-based immigration attorney. 'In practice, it's almost impossible to notify someone in time. Six hours is not enough to prepare any legal defense — it effectively denies people due process.'
The Miami area, home to large diasporas from Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Haiti, has emerged as one of the regions most likely to be affected by the policy — and also one of the most politically sensitive. Many immigrants in South Florida are in legal limbo, with pending asylum cases or final orders of removal that haven't been enforced.
Under the memo, first reported by the Washington Post, ICE is now authorized to deport non-citizens — including long-term U.S. residents — to third countries with only 24 hours' notice. In 'exigent circumstances,' that window can shrink to six hours, so long as the detainee is given an opportunity to speak with an attorney.
In cases where a receiving country has given 'credible diplomatic assurances' that the deportee won't face torture or persecution, ICE can carry out removals without any prior notice to the individual. Legal experts say this amounts to a sweeping removal power with few safeguards and little transparency.
'This falls far short of providing the statutory and due process protections that the law requires,' Trina Realmuto, executive director of the National Immigration Litigation Alliance, told Reuters. Her organization is leading a class action lawsuit against ICE in federal court over what it calls unconstitutional deportations.
The Trump administration has defended the policy as a necessary tool to accelerate the removal of unauthorized immigrants — including some with criminal records — particularly when their home countries are unwilling to accept them. 'We need to get the worst of the worst out of our country,' Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said Sunday on Fox News.
But data and accounts from immigration attorneys paint a different picture.
Amaran says the majority of detainees she knows of who are at risk under the policy do not have criminal records.
'Out of 14 people I know of who were detained recently, only three had any record at all,' she said. 'Many have pending asylum claims or other forms of relief. They're being deported before their cases can be heard.'
She added that many deportees are being sent to remote areas of Mexico despite not being Mexican nationals — and with no resources to survive.
'According to families I've spoken with, they're bused to remote border areas, given a 15-day temporary permit, and then just left there. No money, no shelter, no plan,' Amaran said.
ICE's new memo follows a Supreme Court decision in June that lifted an injunction on third-country deportations. In a dissenting opinion, Justice Sonia Sotomayor warned the policy would place 'thousands of lives at risk of persecution and torture,' accusing the government of abandoning caution in life-and-death matters.'
Since the ruling, the Trump administration has resumed controversial removals. Just last week, eight migrants from countries including Cuba, Sudan and Vietnam were deported to war-torn South Sudan — a nation engulfed in civil conflict. U.S. officials reportedly leaned on five African nations — Liberia, Senegal, Guinea-Bissau, Mauritania and Gabon — to accept deportees from other regions, such as Latin America and Southeast Asia.
One of the most high-profile cases involves Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Maryland resident wrongfully deported to El Salvador, despite a court order blocking his removal. After weeks of legal pressure, the Supreme Court returned him to the U.S., only for the Trump administration to threaten a new deportation — this time to an undisclosed third country.
While third-country deportations are not new, they were historically rare and limited. Under Trump's first term, the U.S. deported a small number of Salvadorans and Hondurans to Guatemala. The Biden administration, while criticized for its own handling of immigration, struck regional agreements to manage migrant flows — including allowing Mexico to accept thousands of Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans under specific terms.
What's changed now, advocates say, is both the scale and the speed.
The memo requires ICE officers to provide 'reasonable means and opportunity' for a detainee to speak with a lawyer, but Amaran says that's far from reality.
'They say the person can talk to an attorney — but the system to actually make that happen doesn't work. ICE routinely ignores scheduled calls. You can't get a judge to rule on anything in six hours,' she said. 'The deck is completely stacked.'
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Bangladesh struggles to contain the fallout of an uprising that toppled its leader last year
Bangladesh struggles to contain the fallout of an uprising that toppled its leader last year

Hamilton Spectator

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Bangladesh struggles to contain the fallout of an uprising that toppled its leader last year

DHAKA, Bangladesh (AP) — Bangladesh was on the cusp of charting a new beginning last year after its former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was removed from power in a student-led uprising, ending her 15-year rule and forcing her to flee to India. As the head of a new interim government, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus promised to hold a credible election to return to democracy, initiate electoral and constitutional reforms and restore peace on the streets after hundreds were killed in weeks of violence that began on July 15, 2024. A year later, the Yunus-led administration has struggled to contain the fallout of the uprising . Bangladesh finds itself mired in a growing political uncertainty, religious polarization and a challenging law-and-order situation. Here's what to know about Bangladesh a year after the protests that toppled Hasina. Chaotic political landscape Uncertainty about the future of democracy looms large in Bangladesh. The student protesters who toppled Hasina formed a new political party , promising to break the overwhelming influence of two major dynastic political parties — the Bangladesh Nationalists Party , or BNP, and Hasina's Awami League. But the party's opponents have accused it of being close to the Yunus-led administration and creating chaos for political mileage by using state institutions. Meanwhile, Bangladesh's political landscape has further fragmented after the country's largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e-Islami , returned to politics more than a decade after it was suppressed by Hasina's government. Aligned with the student-led party, it's trying to fill the vacuum left by the Awami League , which was banned in May. Its leader, Hasina, is facing trial for crimes against humanity. The strength of Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed Bangladesh's independence from Pakistan in 1971, is unknown. Both BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami party are now at loggerheads over establishing supremacy within the administration and judiciary, and even university campuses. They are also differing over the timing of a new parliamentary election. Yunus has announced that the polls would be held in April next year, but poor law and order situation and a lack of clear-cut political consensus over it have created confusion. The chief of Bangladesh's military also wanted an election in December this year — a stance Yunus didn't like. 'Post-revolution honeymoons often don't last long, and Bangladesh is no exception,' says Michael Kugelman, a Washington-based South Asia analyst and senior fellow of Asia Pacific Foundation. 'The interim government faced massive expectations to restore democracy and prosperity. But this is especially difficult to do as an unelected government without a public mandate.' Yunus wants reforms before election Yunus has delayed an election because he wants reforms — from changes to the constitution and elections to the judiciary and police. Discussions with political parties, except Hasina's Awami League, are ongoing. Some of the reforms include putting a limit on how many times a person can become the prime minister, introduction of a two-tier parliament, and appointment of a chief justice. There appears to be little consensus over some basic reforms. While both the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami parties have agreed to some of them with conditions, other proposals for basic constitutional reforms have become a sticking point. The Jamaat-e-Islami also wants to give the interim government more time to complete reforms before heading into polls, while BNP has been calling for an early election. The student-led party mostly follows the pattern of the Jamaat-e-Islami party. Kugelman says the issue of reforms was meant to unite the country, but has instead become a flashpoint. 'There's a divide between those that want to see through reforms and give them more time, and those that feel it's time to wrap things up and focus on elections,' he says. Human rights and the rise of Islamists Human rights in Bangladesh have remained a serious concern under Yunus. Minority groups, especially Hindus, have blamed his administration for failing to protect them adequately. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council says minority Hindus and others have been targeted in hundreds of attacks over the last year. Hasina's party has also blamed the interim government for arresting tens of thousands of its supporters. The Yunus-led administration denies these allegations. Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch, says while the interim government has stopped enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions that had occurred under the Hasina government, 'there has been little progress on lasting security sector reforms or to deliver on the pledge to create robust, independent institutions.' Meanwhile, Islamist factions — some of whom have proposed changes to women's rights and demanded introduction of Sharia law — are vying for power. Many of them are planning to build alliances with bigger parties like the BNP or the Jamaat-e-Islami. Such factions have historically struggled to gain significant electoral support despite Bangladesh being a Muslim majority, and their rise is expected to further fragment the country's political landscape. Diplomatic pivot and balancing with global powers During Hasina's 15-year rule, Bangladesh was India's closest partner in South Asia. After her ouster, the Yunus-led administration has moved closer to China, which is India's main rival in the region. Yunus' first state visit was to China in March, a trip that saw him secure investments, loans and grants. On the other hand, India is angered by the ousting of its old ally Hasina and hasn't responded to Dhaka's requests to extradite her. India stopped issuing visas to Bangladeshis following Hasina's fall. Globally, Yunus seems to have strong backing from the West and the United Nations, and it appears Bangladesh will continue its foreign policy, which has long tried to find a balance between multiple foreign powers. But Kugelman says the country's biggest challenge may be the 'Trump factor.' In January, the Trump administration suspended USAID funds to Bangladesh, which had sought significant levels of U.S. support during a critical rebuild period post Hasina's ouster. 'Dhaka must now reframe its relations with an unconventional U.S. administration that will largely view Bangladesh through a commercial lens,' Kugelman says. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .

Bangladesh struggles to contain the fallout of an uprising that toppled its leader last year
Bangladesh struggles to contain the fallout of an uprising that toppled its leader last year

The Hill

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  • The Hill

Bangladesh struggles to contain the fallout of an uprising that toppled its leader last year

DHAKA, Bangladesh (AP) — Bangladesh was on the cusp of charting a new beginning last year after its former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was removed from power in a student-led uprising, ending her 15-year rule and forcing her to flee to India. As the head of a new interim government, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus promised to hold a credible election to return to democracy, initiate electoral and constitutional reforms and restore peace on the streets after hundreds were killed in weeks of violence that began on July 15, 2024. A year later, the Yunus-led administration has struggled to contain the fallout of the uprising. Bangladesh finds itself mired in a growing political uncertainty, religious polarization and a challenging law-and-order situation. Here's what to know about Bangladesh a year after the protests that toppled Hasina. Chaotic political landscape Uncertainty about the future of democracy looms large in Bangladesh. The student protesters who toppled Hasina formed a new political party, promising to break the overwhelming influence of two major dynastic political parties — the Bangladesh Nationalists Party, or BNP, and Hasina's Awami League. But the party's opponents have accused it of being close to the Yunus-led administration and creating chaos for political mileage by using state institutions. Meanwhile, Bangladesh's political landscape has further fragmented after the country's largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e-Islami, returned to politics more than a decade after it was suppressed by Hasina's government. Aligned with the student-led party, it's trying to fill the vacuum left by the Awami League, which was banned in May. Its leader, Hasina, is facing trial for crimes against humanity. The strength of Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed Bangladesh's independence from Pakistan in 1971, is unknown. Both BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami party are now at loggerheads over establishing supremacy within the administration and judiciary, and even university campuses. They are also differing over the timing of a new parliamentary election. Yunus has announced that the polls would be held in April next year, but poor law and order situation and a lack of clear-cut political consensus over it have created confusion. The chief of Bangladesh's military also wanted an election in December this year — a stance Yunus didn't like. 'Post-revolution honeymoons often don't last long, and Bangladesh is no exception,' says Michael Kugelman, a Washington-based South Asia analyst and senior fellow of Asia Pacific Foundation. 'The interim government faced massive expectations to restore democracy and prosperity. But this is especially difficult to do as an unelected government without a public mandate.' Yunus wants reforms before election Yunus has delayed an election because he wants reforms — from changes to the constitution and elections to the judiciary and police. Discussions with political parties, except Hasina's Awami League, are ongoing. Some of the reforms include putting a limit on how many times a person can become the prime minister, introduction of a two-tier parliament, and appointment of a chief justice. There appears to be little consensus over some basic reforms. While both the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami parties have agreed to some of them with conditions, other proposals for basic constitutional reforms have become a sticking point. The Jamaat-e-Islami also wants to give the interim government more time to complete reforms before heading into polls, while BNP has been calling for an early election. The student-led party mostly follows the pattern of the Jamaat-e-Islami party. Kugelman says the issue of reforms was meant to unite the country, but has instead become a flashpoint. 'There's a divide between those that want to see through reforms and give them more time, and those that feel it's time to wrap things up and focus on elections,' he says. Human rights and the rise of Islamists Human rights in Bangladesh have remained a serious concern under Yunus. Minority groups, especially Hindus, have blamed his administration for failing to protect them adequately. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council says minority Hindus and others have been targeted in hundreds of attacks over the last year. Hasina's party has also blamed the interim government for arresting tens of thousands of its supporters. The Yunus-led administration denies these allegations. Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch, says while the interim government has stopped enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions that had occurred under the Hasina government, 'there has been little progress on lasting security sector reforms or to deliver on the pledge to create robust, independent institutions.' Meanwhile, Islamist factions — some of whom have proposed changes to women's rights and demanded introduction of Sharia law — are vying for power. Many of them are planning to build alliances with bigger parties like the BNP or the Jamaat-e-Islami. Such factions have historically struggled to gain significant electoral support despite Bangladesh being a Muslim majority, and their rise is expected to further fragment the country's political landscape. Diplomatic pivot and balancing with global powers During Hasina's 15-year rule, Bangladesh was India's closest partner in South Asia. After her ouster, the Yunus-led administration has moved closer to China, which is India's main rival in the region. Yunus' first state visit was to China in March, a trip that saw him secure investments, loans and grants. On the other hand, India is angered by the ousting of its old ally Hasina and hasn't responded to Dhaka's requests to extradite her. India stopped issuing visas to Bangladeshis following Hasina's fall. Globally, Yunus seems to have strong backing from the West and the United Nations, and it appears Bangladesh will continue its foreign policy, which has long tried to find a balance between multiple foreign powers. But Kugelman says the country's biggest challenge may be the 'Trump factor.' In January, the Trump administration suspended USAID funds to Bangladesh, which had sought significant levels of U.S. support during a critical rebuild period post Hasina's ouster. 'Dhaka must now reframe its relations with an unconventional U.S. administration that will largely view Bangladesh through a commercial lens,' Kugelman says.

Oil edges down as market contemplates potential sanctions, tariffs
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  • CNBC

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