UK watchdog bans Zara ads over ‘unhealthy thin' model photos
The Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) said it took action after it received a complaint about the ads, which were listed on Zara's website in May.
One image showed a model with 'protruding' collarbones, with her pose and styling making her appear 'very slim.'
Another featured a model who looked 'slightly gaunt' owing to a slicked-back hairstyle and that the lighting and clothing made her appear 'noticeably thin,' the ASA said.
The watchdog ruled the ads breached social responsibility rules and must not appear again in the same form.
Zara told the ASA that the models were medically certified as healthy, in line with British guidelines.
It also assured that only minor lighting and coloring edits were made on the images.
The ads were removed after the ASA made the company aware of the complaint, Zara said in a statement.
It added that Zara 'follow stringent guidelines and controls in the selection and photographing of models.'
Earlier this year, the ASA banned similar ads from British retailers Next and Marks & Spencer.
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In 2009, Ahmet Davutoglu, top adviser to Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkiye's prime minister at the time and now president, said that 'the road to Paris passes through Africa,' emphasizing that Ankara's decision to deepen ties with Africa would strengthen, rather than undermine, its European ambitions. Since then, Turkiye has significantly expanded its presence in Africa with a combination of soft and hard power, incorporating defense, economic, cultural, and political engagement. There were concerns that Turkiye might leverage its growing influence to counter the policies of EU member states. However, given Turkiye's improved relations with Brussels in recent years, especially since the Ukraine war, its policies in Africa may be viewed differently, perhaps in a more collaborative way. However, to achieve this, it is important to understand the characteristics of Turkiye's involvement in Africa, and explore how the EU could potentially leverage these to its advantage. Turkiye's outreach to Africa is three dimensional. First, it is politically driven, supporting its status as a middle power on the global stage. As Davutoglu said in 2009: 'Africa is on the verge of a new era, and Turkiye must embrace the new realities on the ground. A country that undermines Africa cannot have an international standing.' Second, Turkiye's involvement is economically motivated. There is increasing demand from African states to partner with Turkiye, a shift that the EU should be keen to recognize and leverage. Third, Turkiye's growing influence in Africa is supported through soft-power elements, such as mediation, that some EU member states lack — and, again, could leverage. Finally, it is security oriented, with Turkiye's expanding defense ties with the African states. At a time when Turkiye and EU states are aiming to strengthen their position in Africa, it is important to explore potential areas where Brussels can collaborate with Turkiye or benefit from its growing role in Africa. The first area is security. Turkiye has established significant defense cooperation with African states, including drone sales and military training. Today, it is seen by African countries as a preferable security provider. EU member states also seek stability on the continent for their interests. A stable continent will not only benefit the people of Africa, but also have implications from the Middle East to Europe. Turkiye's growing security presence is a strength the EU can look to leverage in order to achieve shared goals. Second, Turkiye's engagement through development projects should not necessarily be seen as a challenge to European interests. Turkish companies are actively involved in high-risk regions of Africa, with visible infrastructure projects that could align with European interests. Humanitarian aid is another area for potential collaboration. For example, two Turkish scientists are leading efforts to combat hunger in Africa as part of a food project funded by the EU. More projects in this domain could be supported by Brussels, with Turkiye taking an active role on the ground. At a time when Turkiye and EU states are aiming to strengthen their position in Africa, it is important to explore potential areas where Brussels can collaborate with Turkiye or benefit from its growing role in Africa. Dr. Sinem Cengiz Third, Turkiye is trying to build trust across the African continent through its mediation efforts between conflicting parties. Some EU countries' historical influence and colonial legacy in Africa complicates their potential mediating role, so Turkiye could indirectly serve the EU interests in this aspect. Fourth, China has emerged as a serious actor in Africa. Turkiye, as an EU candidate country, could be viewed by Brussels as a less threatening force than China. Africa was a competitive region for both Turkiye and the Gulf states. However, as Turkiye has reconciled its relations with the Gulf countries, the nature of this competition has changed, with both sides compartmentalizing their engagements. Some EU states and Turkiye could take a similar approach, managing their respective relationships with Africa in a way that becomes mutually beneficial. In June, Faruk Kaymakcı, Turkiye's permanent delegate to the EU, highlighted the growing momentum in Turkiye-Africa relations at the Brussels-Africa Hub, saying on X: 'The EU and EU candidate Turkiye can achieve a lot together in and for Africa, leveraging their comparative advantages.' However, EU states diverge in their perceptions on various issues, and the question of Turkiye's role in Africa is no exception. France, which views Africa as a 'backyard,' and a region of critical defense, economic, and development interest, is unlikely to welcome the growing Turkish presence. When Niger decided to expel French and US military personnel and revoke mining contracts held by French and Canadian companies, Turkiye stepped in. Ankara secured a series of agreements in infrastructure, defense, and mining with Niger, and supplied Bayraktar TB2 drones to the country. For African countries, Turkiye is a good alternative to EU states when it comes to arms sales and defense cooperation. This approach also shows greater flexibility on the part of African countries seeking to diversify their defense capabilities. On the other hand, some EU states, such as Italy, are keen to find common ground with Turkiye in Africa, especially as France's traditional influence on the continent begins to wane. Germany, too, is adjusting its Africa strategy in response to shifting dynamics. For Germany and Italy, and even other countries such as Spain, key areas of cooperation with Turkiye could be migration, energy, and the economic development of African nations. EU countries are already cooperating with Turkiye in areas such as trade, migration, and counter-terrorism, and could expand this in Africa. The response to my question in the headline is, yes. Turkish and European collaboration can thrive in Africa if both manage to compartmentalize their relations in a way that leverages their comparative advantages, strengths, and weaknesses. • Dr. Sinem Cengiz is a Turkish political analyst who specializes in Turkiye's relations with the Middle East. X: @SinemCngz
