Why a post-election shift in Germany's China policy is no longer a sure bet
When Ulrich Ackermann started working for the German machinery industry in 1986, the country's watchmaking sector had been eaten up by Japanese competition. Advanced equipment makers were sure they were next.
"The watch industry almost completely disappeared from Germany, and there was a fear that this could also happen to the machinery industry. That hasn't happened but now we have a new situation - China Shock 2.0.
"I think China is a different story. You can't compare China to Japan," said Ackermann, who will retire from the Machinery and Equipment Manufacturers Association in April.
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Over the past few years, the association - which represents 3,600 of Germany's famed small and medium-sized German engineering companies, also known as the Mittelstand - has been raising the alarm about Chinese competitors, which are outstripping German companies in China, Europe and third markets around the world.
"We have many complaints from member companies about unfair competition on the European markets. Unfair competition means, on the one hand, subsidisation and prices which are much below our possibilities.
"Many members say for [that] the price the Chinese sell here on the European market, they cannot buy the materials to produce the machine," Ackermann, the VDMA's head of foreign trade, told the Post.
"On the other hand, unfair competition also means that Chinese companies sell machines in Europe that do not comply with our regulations and are therefore cheaper."
Those complaints have largely fallen on deaf ears in Berlin, with the China policy of Chancellor Olaf Scholz prioritising the interests of the biggest companies, which continue to make significant amounts of money in the world's second economy, Ackermann said.
Policy-wise, Scholz's government voted against European Union tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, overruled his cabinet in selling a stake in a Hamburg Port terminal to Chinese conglomerate Cosco and ignored pleas by Brussels to remove telecoms giant Huawei Technologies from the German 5G network.
"We had a problem with the last government, they listened, but drew no conclusions. So we hope that the new government will concentrate more on the real developments and have a closer look at what is really happening with and around China," Ackermann said.
Scholz's likely successor following Sunday's election, Friedrich Merz, head of the conservative CDU/CSU alliance, is expected to take a tougher stance on China.
On the campaign trail, Merz has warned businesses of the "great risk" that comes with investing in China and grouped Beijing in an "axis of autocracies" with Russia, North Korea and Iran.
"Political coldness and economic warmth" is obviously the core of the [Christian Democrats'] China policy. So, if Merz becomes chancellor as expected, the current China strategy of the 'traffic light' [coalition] government will be buried without suspense, I believe," said Gu Xuewu, director of the Centre for Global Studies at the University of Bonn.
In recent weeks, however, there are growing questions about whether there will be a shift towards a more hawkish stance.
Although the return of Donald Trump as US President was always expected to wreak havoc in Europe, many have been surprised by the speed and depth of the collapse in transatlantic ties.
Various tariffs will hit European goods in the coming weeks, from steel to cars, with Germany positioned to suffer.
Trump has blamed Ukraine for starting the war with Russia, even though Vladimir Putin invaded, and has dismissed European claims for a seat at the negotiating table.
In Germany and around Europe, the ultimate fear is that Trump will remove the US security guarantee, leaving it vulnerable to military attack and forcing enormous amounts of money to be funnelled towards defence budgets at the expense of everything else.
China "will miss" Olaf Scholz if he loses. Photo: EPA-EFE alt=China "will miss" Olaf Scholz if he loses. Photo: EPA-EFE>
"The country's old model of 'cheap energy from Russia, trade orders from China, security from the US' no longer works," wrote analysts from the European Council on Foreign Relations in a recent paper.
Amid such pressures, the discussion about de-risking ties with China has slipped down the agenda in Berlin, Brussels and across Europe.
"Nobody is talking about China any more," said one diplomatic source, who added that Europe has noticed a "charm offensive" from China, as it attempts to capitalise on the growing friction between the EU and US.
The new geopolitical reality is "pitting different parts of the CDU universe against each other", said Jeremy Cliffe, a senior policy fellow at the European council.
In this internal battle, Atlanticists such as Merz - who favour "more China hawkishness and [are in tune with the idea of] systems competition" - will be faced with the "Germany First" faction that says that "we've already made life difficult for our for our companies, because of energy policy and now, and it is in the interest of these companies for us to keep good relations with China", Cliffe said.
Another restraining factor could be the nature of the coalition Merz is likely to be leading.
Final polling by YouGov released on Friday suggested a coalition between the CDU/CSU alliance and the Green party, which observers said would represent the most China-hawkish outcome, would not have enough seats.
A grand coalition with the conservatives and Scholz's Social Democrats is seen as more likely, and would represent continuity and a government that China would probably be content to deal with.
"Beijing would be very happy to see the Greens be ousted out of the government," said Gu at the University of Bonn.
"They are pragmatic people, even though Merz is not the best man for Beijing, they seem to prefer him as chancellor than anyone from the Greens. They would miss Scholz who still enjoys a high reputation in China for his pragmatism."
In more than a decade as chancellor, Angela Merkel pursued close ties with China at a time when the two economies showed more complementarity than rivalry. Scholz, meanwhile, frequently overruled his coalition partners and ministries on issues of critical importance to ensure a less confrontational stance towards Beijing.
Merz's CDU is split over its approach to China. Photo: dpa alt=Merz's CDU is split over its approach to China. Photo: dpa>
Broader events, however, suggest that Merz is likely to have more pressing priorities should he come to power.
"Merz has demonstrated that he is willing to criticise China publicly in a way that Scholz never did. So we can expect a more hawkish tone at the top of the German government. But when it comes to the substance of policy, it would be wrong to expect profound change," said Noah Barkin, an analyst of Sino-German relations at the Rhodium Group.
"The Trump administration, with its tariffs, cosiness toward Russia and assault on European liberal democracy is going to suck up a lot of Berlin's bandwidth. The question is how much will be left over for China."
This article originally appeared in the South China Morning Post (SCMP), the most authoritative voice reporting on China and Asia for more than a century. For more SCMP stories, please explore the SCMP app or visit the SCMP's Facebook and Twitter pages. Copyright © 2025 South China Morning Post Publishers Ltd. All rights reserved.
Copyright (c) 2025. South China Morning Post Publishers Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The Hill
4 hours ago
- The Hill
As Trump goes to G7 summit, other world leaders aim to show they're not intimidated
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump has long bet that he can scare allies into submission — a gamble that is increasingly being tested ahead of the Group of Seven summit beginning Monday in Canada. He's threatened stiff tariffs in the belief that other nations would crumple. He's mused about taking over Canada and Greenland. He's suggested he will not honor NATO's obligations to defend partners under attack. And he's used Oval Office meetings to try to intimidate the leaders of Ukraine and South Africa. But many world leaders see fewer reasons to be cowed by Trump, even as they recognize the risks if he followed through on his threats. They believe he will ultimately back down — since many of his plans could inflict harm on the U.S. — or that he can simply be charmed and flattered into cooperating. 'Many leaders still seem intimidated by Trump, but increasingly they are catching on to his pattern of bullying,' said Jeremy Shapiro, research director at the European Council on Foreign Relations. 'In places as diverse as Canada, Iran, China and the EU, we are seeing increasing signs that leaders now recognize that Trump is afraid of anything resembling a fair fight. And so they are increasingly willing to stand up to him.' In the 22 instances in which Trump has publicly threatened military action since his first term, the U.S. only used force twice, according to a May analysis by Shapiro. Ahead of the G7 summit, there are already signs of subtle pushback against Trump from fellow leaders in the group. French President Emmanuel Macron planned to visit Greenland over the weekend in a show of European solidarity. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has said the U.S. is no longer the 'predominant' force in the world after Trump's tariffs created fissures in a decades-long partnership between the U.S. and its northern neighbor. 'We stood shoulder to shoulder with the Americans throughout the Cold War and in the decades that followed, as the United States played a predominant role on the world stage,' Carney said this past week in French. 'Today, that predominance is a thing of the past.' The new prime minister added that with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the U.S. became the global hegemon, a position of authority undermined by Trump's transactional nature that puts little emphasis on defending democratic values or the rule of law. 'Now the United States is beginning to monetize its hegemony: charging for access to its markets and reducing its relative contributions to our collective security,' Carney said. Israel's attack on Iran has added a new wrinkle to the global picture as the summit leaders gather to tackle some of the world's thorniest problems A senior Canadian official said it was decided early on that the G7 won't be issuing a joint communiqué as it has at past summits — an indication of how hard it can be to get Trump on the same page with other world leaders. The White House said individual leader statements will be issued on the issues being discussed. Speaking last month at a conference in Singapore, Macron called France a 'friend and an ally of the United States' but pushed back against Trump's desire to dominate what other countries do. Macron said efforts to force other nations to choose between the U.S. and China would lead to the breakdown of the global order put in place after World War II. 'We want to cooperate, but we do not want to be instructed on a daily basis what is allowed, what is not allowed, and how our life will change because of the decision of a single person,' Macron said. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba pushed back against Trump's agenda of levying higher tariffs on imported goods, arguing it would hurt economic growth. The Japanese leader specifically called Trump ahead of the summit to confirm their plans to talk on the sidelines, which is a greater focus for Japan than the summit itself. 'I called him as I also wanted to congratulate his birthday, though one day earlier,' Ishiba said. Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., the ranking member of the Foreign Relations Committee, said the summit was an opportunity for Trump to 'mend' relationships with other countries so China would be unable to exploit differences among the G7. She said other foreign leaders are 'not intimidated' by Trump's actions, which could be driving them away from tighter commitments with the U.S. 'The conversations that I've had with those leaders suggest that they think that the partnership with the United States has been really important, but they also understand that there are other opportunities,' Shaheen said. The White House did not respond to emailed questions for this story. Having originally made his reputation in real estate and hospitality, Trump has taken kindly to certain foreign visitors, such as U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. Starmer has sought to keep Trump in line with Europe in supporting Ukraine and NATO instead of brokering any truces that would favor Russia. He has echoed the president's language about NATO members spending more on defense. But in his Oval Office visit, Starmer also pleased Trump by delivering an invite for a state visit from King Charles III. The German government said it, too, wanted to send a public signal of unity, saying that while Trump's recent meeting with Merz at the White House went harmoniously, the next test is how the relationship plays out in a team setting. There will also be other world leaders outside of the G7 nations attending the summit in mountainous Kananaskis, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, whom Trump dressed down in the Oval Office. Italy's Meloni has positioned herself as a 'bridge' between the Trump administration and the rest of Europe. But Italy's strong support of Ukraine and Trump's threatened tariffs on European goods have put Meloni, the only European leader to attend Trump's inauguration, in a difficult position. Mark Sobel, U.S. chair of the Official Monetary and Financial Institutions Forum, an independent think tank, said Trump's 'trade policies, backing for right wing European movements, seeming preference for dealing with authoritarians and many of his other actions are alienating our G7 allies,' even if the U.S. president is correct that Europe needs to do more on defense. But even as other G7 leaders defuse any public disputes with Trump, the U.S. president's vision for the world remains largely incompatible with they want. 'In short, behind the curtains, and notwithstanding whatever theater, the Kananaskis summit will highlight a more fragmented G7 and an adrift global economy,' Sobel said. ___ AP reporters Rob Gillies in Toronto, Mari Yamaguchi in Tokyo, Sylvie Corbet in Paris, Jill Lawless in London, Geir Moulson in Berlin and Nicole Winfield in Rome contributed to this report.


Politico
6 hours ago
- Politico
Israel Fights Also for Us
When a society can no longer distinguish between good and evil, between victim and perpetrator, it gives up. This dynamic is one of the great constants of human history. It is a lesson people in free societies — and people in totalitarian societies who yearn to be free — should keep in mind during the climactic showdown underway in the Middle East. Israel has struck a blow to prevent Iran from developing nuclear bombs — weapons that it might credibly use toward its stated goal of removing Israel from the planet. Make no mistake: This is not simply a matter of regional security. Nor should it be a proxy for whether one supports or opposes the current Israeli government's policy on Gaza or other subjects. This conflict is a central front in a global contest in which the forces of tyranny and violence in recent years have been gaining ground against the forces of freedom, which too often are demoralized and divided. In a world full of bad actors, Iran is the most aggressive and dangerous totalitarian force of our time. Its leaders seek to weaken and destroy free society, democracy and human rights with Russian and Chinese support. In Iran, women are systematically oppressed and abused. Homosexuals are murdered. Those who think differently are imprisoned and tortured. In Tehran, the cynical abuse of the civilian population in Gaza as human shields is also cold-bloodedly conceived and financed. According to official state doctrine, the primary goal of the mullahs in Tehran is the annihilation of the State of Israel. Ayatollah Khamenei has described Israel as a 'cancerous tumor.' And clocks in the streets of Tehran celebrate countdowns to the 'destruction of Israel.' But Israel is only the first target. Once Israel falls, Europe and America will be the focus. Radical Sunni and Shiite Islamism has been preparing for this for decades. The fatwa against Salman Rushdie, 9/11, the attacks in Paris, the caliphate of ISIS — each event was a warning sign. Only those who did not want to see the signs are surprised today. The attacks are directed against our values, our way of life. It is therefore surprising that Israel is not being celebrated worldwide for its historic, extremely precise and necessary strike against Iranian nuclear weapons facilities and for the targeted killing of leading terrorists, but that the public response is dominated by anti-Israel propaganda. The intelligence and precision of Israel's actions are not admired but are instead used here and there to perpetuate blatantly antisemitic stereotypes. This attitude is characterized not only by racist undertones, but also by a strange self-forgetfulness. If the perpetrator-victim reversal that has been repeatedly observed since Oct. 7 applies even in the most obvious case — Iran — then this can only be interpreted to mean that we are in the process of losing the culture war, which in reality has long since become a war of civilizations. And we seem to have no problem with that. It is what Michel Houellebecq called 'submission' in his visionary novel 10 years ago. As someone who has 40 years' experience as a journalist and publishing executive, I believe every government should be questioned critically about all the details of its policies — above all on matters of war and its consequences. But those details should not be allowed to obscure larger historical truths. Perhaps a German of my generation has a useful vantage point. Born in 1963, I grew up in a country and continent still shadowed by World War II and its crimes, including an effort by Germany to eradicate Jews across Europe. The first half of my journalism career saw freedom on the march. The Soviet Union collapsed, authoritarian governments across Eastern Europe were routed, Germany was reunited under democracy. The second half of my career, however, with authoritarianism on the rise in all directions — with governments hostile to the very idea of journalism, as well as democracy, pluralism, rule of law and basic standards of decency. These unwelcome developments highlighted how fragile the triumphs of the late 20th century may be in the 21st. The contest between free societies and murderous tyrants is enduring. That's why warnings of dangerous escalation that can be heard from politicians in the West are particularly misplaced. The argument is as stale as it is false. Those warning of escalation are to blame for Vladimir Putin being on the verge of winning his terrible war of conquest in Ukraine. And those warning of escalation are to blame for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. This could have been prevented with decisive resistance from the West in the first days of the attack. Dictators decide for themselves when to escalate. Usually when they do not encounter enough strength and resistance. This also applies to Iran. If Israel does not achieve its goals — destruction of the nuclear facilities, maximum weakening of the terrorist regime and, ideally, the removal of the mullahs — the world will quickly look very different. China will seize this historic opportunity to annex Taiwan sooner than expected. Largely without resistance. The moment is favorable. Because America and Europe cannot win a three-front war and therefore cannot fight it. But if the anti-democratic triangle — China, Russia, Iran — succeeds in this coup, a different, non-democratic world order will prevail. That is why America and Europe, in their own interests alone, must stand united with Israel and do everything in their power to ensure that this historic liberation is achieved. This morning, my son asked me a question: 'In the near future, will Israel become more like us, living in peace, or will we become more like Israel?' It depends. It depends on us.


CNBC
6 hours ago
- CNBC
Boeing trims projection for 20-year jet demand
Boeing expects global demand for air travel to increase by more than 40% by 2030, driving the need for thousands of new jetliners in the next few years, according to its 20-year demand forecast for commercial airliners released Sunday ahead of the Paris Airshow. The company expects demand for 43,600 new airliners through 2044. That is essentially the same as last year's edition, which projected demand for 43,975 new deliveries through 2043. European rival Airbus last week revised up its own 20-year commercial demand forecast by 2% to 43,420 jets, saying the air transport industry was expected to ride out current trade tensions. Boeing's delivery projection includes nearly 33,300 single-aisle airliners, just over 7,800 widebody jets, 955 factory-built freighters and 1,545 regional jets. Single-aisle jets include the 737 MAX and competitor Airbus's A320neo family and make up roughly four of every five deliveries now. While Boeing's deliveries projection is roughly the same, it pared down its 20-year forecast for passenger traffic growth from 4.7% in last year's outlook to 4.2% this year. Likewise, it lowered its global economic growth forecast from 2.6% to 2.3%, cargo traffic growth from 4.1% to 3.7% and fleet growth from 3.2% to 3.1%. Despite the lower projection for cargo traffic, Boeing Vice President of Commercial Marketing Darren Hulst told reporters in a briefing that trade volatility is not expected to significantly shift long-term demand. "I think we need to point back to the perspective that the last 20, 40, 60 years have given us in terms of the value of air cargo, and the fact that it's roughly a 4% growth market through all this time," he said. Since Covid-19, air travel demand has bounced back, but airplane production is only half or even less than what it was before the pandemic, resulting in a shortage of 1,500 to 2,000 airliners, he said. Both Airbus and Boeing have struggled to return aircraft production to pre-pandemic levels. Boeing has been dealing with production safety concerns following a 2024 mid-air blowout of a panel on a nearly new Alaska Airlines 737 Max. As a result, the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration capped 737 production at 38 airplanes a month. Boeing has significantly improved production quality in recent months, but the crash of an Air India Boeing 787-8 Dreamliner on Thursday put it back in crisis mode. CEO Kelly Ortberg cancelled his plans to attend the Paris Airshow in order to assist with the crash investigation. Global air travel is projected to increase by more than 40% by 2030, compared to the pre-pandemic high, according to the forecast. During the next 20 years, Boeing expects about 51% of demand for new aircraft to come from growth rather than replacing older airplanes. China and South/Southeast Asia, which includes India, are expected to account for half of that additional capacity, according to the outlook. North America and Eurasia account for more than half of projected deliveries for replacing older aircraft. China makes up an estimated 10% of Boeing's existing order backlog. The country paused taking delivery of new Boeing aircraft as China and the U.S. clashed over tariffs. However, deliveries are expected to resume this month, Ortberg said in May during an investors conference.