Pakistani interior minister to discuss ‘visa rejections' with UAE counterpart this week
The statement comes amid ongoing reports of a sharp decline in UAE visa approvals for Pakistanis. Local media outlets have attributed the rejections to an alleged lack of respect for local laws and customs by Pakistani expats. The issue has also been linked to concerns over documentation and criminal record checks.
'You are right, this [UAE visa rejection] has become an issue,' Naqvi said during a news conference in Karachi when asked about the recurring problem of visa rejections.
'I am meeting the interior minister of the UAE regarding this two days from now [July 9] and I have a lot of hope that we will find a solution to this.'
He acknowledged the matter was affecting a wide segment of Pakistanis, particularly those with business ties to the UAE.
In February, Pakistan's ambassador to the UAE, Faisal Niaz Tirmizi, described the refusal of visas to Pakistani nationals as a 'serious and significant' issue that authorities in both countries were working to resolve. He pointed to several contributing factors, including discrepancies in visa documents and criminal records of some applicants.
Naqvi also referenced Kuwait's decision in May to lift a 19-year-old visa ban on Pakistani citizens, framing it as part of broader efforts by the current government to enhance Pakistan's global mobility and the standing of its passport.
'In the next two years, you will see this green passport that you have at a better position in the ranking,' he said.
The UAE is Pakistan's third-largest trading partner after China and the United States, and is considered a critical market due to its geographic proximity and logistical advantages. The Gulf state is also Pakistan's second-largest source of foreign remittances, after Saudi Arabia, with over 1.8 million Pakistani expatriates living and working there.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
A masterclass in diplomacy
Over the past 18 months, Riyadh has quietly delivered a masterclass in diplomacy, steadily reshaping how Western capitals approach the Palestinian file. Under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the hands-on diplomacy of Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan, the Kingdom has pursued a strategy rooted in hard-nosed pragmatism: Washington's strategic umbrella over Israel will not fold under fiery speeches or social media storms. Rather than waste energy on theatrics, Saudi Arabia has opted for a patient, cumulative approach — chipping away at Israel's aura of effortless Western legitimacy until the political calculus inside G7 capitals begins to shift. It may feel slow to the impatient observer, but in a world that rewards persistence over noise, this is how real influence is built. At the core of this approach is a sober understanding of limits, paired with precisely applied leverage. Saudi Arabia does not pretend it can strong-arm a superpower. Instead, it keeps oil markets steady and refrains from military theatrics — moves that earn quiet access where it matters most: in chancelleries, parliaments, and boardrooms that shape policy toward Israel. Critics mistake this restraint for timidity. In truth, it reflects a deeper wisdom: Decades of impulsive grandstanding have done little beyond plunging the region into chaos. Riyadh has learned that proportion, not provocation, delivers lasting results. The coalition-building effort began in Paris, where France, seeking Middle East relevance, found its regional ballast in Saudi Arabia. London, responding to domestic outrage over Gaza, followed suit; Ottawa, wary of standing alone in the G7, came next. Each recognition of Palestine may be symbolic, but symbolism is precisely what has underpinned Israel's hard-won status as a normalized Western democracy. Every fracture in that image raises the long-term reputational cost of occupation and embeds it into Israeli strategic thinking. This quiet momentum reflects the polling data: US support for Israel's Gaza operations has eroded sharply, especially among voters under 40. Demography is destiny. Riyadh is playing the long game — betting on time, not tantrums, to unwind Washington's old consensus. That consensus is already fraying on college campuses, in statehouses, and across ESG-conscious boardrooms. The tactic: maintain the spotlight on Gaza, deny any pretext for American disengagement, and let US voters begin to carry the moral and political weight. The crown prince made the Kingdom's position unequivocal in his Shoura Council address: There will be no recognition of Israel without a viable Palestinian state. This is not a revival of 1973-style oil brinkmanship — which in today's world would simply accelerate Western diversification and slash Arab revenues. Instead, Riyadh keeps markets stable while freezing Israel's regional integration until it engages seriously with a two-state solution. That keeps global consumers comfortable — and Israel on edge. Saudi diplomacy has achieved in 18 months what half a century of summitry and rhetoric failed to deliver. Ali Shihabi The promise of normalization remains on the table — but firmly behind a two-state gate. The Abraham Accords opened easy access to the Gulf. Saudi Arabia redrew that map. Sovereign capital, Red Sea connectivity, and cutting-edge partnerships are all within reach — but only post-settlement. The burden now shifts to Israel: It must explain to its own citizens why ideology should block a generational opportunity to transform from a garrison state to a regional player. When economic logic aligns with strategic necessity, ideology eventually yields. One of the most consequential developments came when Saudi Arabia, alongside other Arab states, publicly called for Hamas to disarm and relinquish control of Gaza. This decisive step stripped Israel of a convenient excuse to delay its withdrawal and continue its campaign of collective punishment. By removing the justification of 'no partner for peace,' it undercut Israel's excuse to prolong military operations and war crimes under the guise of self-defense — reinforcing the international call for an end to occupation and the need for a political solution. Those Muslim and Arab voices calling for boycotts, embargoes, or war have misread both history and the current moment. Power today lies in leverage applied at pressure points — not in slogans shouted from podiums. Saudi diplomacy has forced Western democracies, Israel's most critical club of supporters, to seriously reconsider the question of Palestinian statehood. It has achieved in 18 months what half a century of summitry and rhetoric failed to deliver. The task now is for other Arab capitals to reinforce this approach, consolidating influence rather than scattering it in performative gestures. Yes, Israel retains a US veto — for now. But no veto can stop demographic shifts in swing states, the quiet pressure of British MPs attuned to their constituents, or the economic calculus of European firms navigating boycott risks. In time, Israel will face a stark choice: perpetual siege and growing isolation, or coexistence with a sovereign Palestinian neighbor. Saudi Arabia today holds the key to that door — and remains the only real diplomatic lifeline for Ramallah. In the battlefields of 2025 — conference rooms, boardrooms, and social media feeds — the Kingdom advances quietly, methodically, and on its own terms. For those who value outcomes over optics, this is not caution. It is wisdom.
Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
Hamas says it won't disarm unless independent Palestinian state established
GAZA: Hamas said on Saturday that it would not disarm unless an independent Palestinian state is established — a fresh rebuke to a key Israeli demand to end the war in Gaza. Indirect negotiations between Hamas and Israel aimed at securing a 60-day ceasefire in the Gaza war and deal for the release of hostages ended last week in deadlock. On Tuesday, Qatar and Egypt, who are mediating ceasefire efforts, endorsed a declaration by France and Saudi Arabia outlining steps toward a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and saying that as part of this Hamas must hand over its arms to the Western-backed Palestinian Authority. In its statement, Hamas — which has dominated Gaza since 2007 but has been militarily battered by Israel in the war — said it could not yield its right to 'armed resistance' unless an 'independent, fully sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital' is established. Israel considers the disarmament of Hamas a key condition for any deal to end the conflict, but Hamas has repeatedly said it is not willing to lay down its weaponry. Last month, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described any future independent Palestinian state as a platform to destroy Israel and said, for that reason, security control over Palestinian territories must remain with Israel. He also criticized several countries, including the UK and Canada, for announcing plans to recognize a Palestinian state in response to devastation of Gaza from Israel's offensive and blockade, calling the move a reward for Hamas' conduct. The war started when Hamas-led militants stormed into southern Israel on October 7, 2023, killing 1,200 people and taking 251 hostages back to Gaza. Israel's subsequent military assault on Gaza has turned much of the enclave into a wasteland, killed over 60,000 Palestinians and set off a humanitarian catastrophe. Israel and Hamas traded blame after the most recent round of talks ended in an impasse, with gaps lingering over issues including the extent of an Israeli military withdrawal.
Arab News
4 hours ago
- Arab News
Pakistan places sugar import order to ease prices, first shipment due next month
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan has placed the procurement order for 200,000 metric tons of sugar from the international market, an official statement said on Saturday, adding the first shipment was expected to arrive in the beginning of next month. The announcement came amid growing concerns over a sugar crisis that has gripped parts of the country, with prices surging to Rs200 ($0.71) per kilogram in many areas, which is well above the government's official cap of Rs173 ($0.61). The situation occurs frequently in Pakistan amid accusations of hoarding and cartelization. It also leads to public outrage and criticism from opposition parties. Last month, leading Pakistani economists told Arab News the crisis owed to weak regulatory enforcement and a lack of industrial transparency, both of which hamper effective market oversight. 'The final order for sugar imports has been placed,' the Ministry of National Food Security and Research said in a statement. 'The first shipment of imported sugar will arrive in Pakistan in early September 2025.' The ministry said the procurement process entered its final phase after the government floated a tender, and successfully secured a discount through international negotiations. 'The purpose of the import is to ensure the availability of sugar in the market and maintain price stability,' the statement said. 'The arrival of imported sugar will help keep prices balanced in the local market and directly benefit consumers.' However, experts warned last month such measures only offered temporary relief. Dr. Khaqan Najeeb, Pakistan's former finance adviser, told Arab News in a recent conversation the sugar sector's persistent crises underscore the urgent need to move beyond 'reactive firefighting' and adopt structured, technology-enabled and market-aligned regulatory frameworks. 'Addressing this challenge requires deep policy expertise and a commitment to serious, evidence-based reform,' he continued Najeeb outlined several critical reforms for the sugar sector, including improving per-acre crop yields, deregulating the market, enforcing anti-cartel legislation, using digital tools to monitor the supply chain, and setting transparent, formula-based pricing mechanisms that ensure timely payments to farmers. 'These are not quick fixes — they demand consistent, hard work,' he added. 'But after years of misaligned interventions through poorly timed exports and imports, one thing is clear: there is no easy solution, only the hard path of structural reform.'
