CAQ government invokes closure to fast track energy bill
By
QUEBEC — Arguing it is acting in the interests of economic growth, the Coaliton Avenir Québec government has cut short the debate on legislation modernizing the energy sector, Bill 69.
Shortly after 3 p.m. Friday, CAQ house leader Simon Jolin-Barrette informed the legislature the government would be invoking closure, forcing the bill into law.
The decision means the summer recess of the National Assembly will be delayed a few more hours as MNAs debate into the night with a vote sometime early Saturday morning.
It is the seventh time since taking power in 2018 the CAQ uses closure to fast track legislation and bypass the normal rules of procedure.
The move immediately sparked an angry reaction from the opposition parties that oppose the bill and want it scrapped.
But the government said the debate on the bill has lasted long enough.
Tabled way back in June 2024 by former CAQ super minister Pierre Fitzgibbon, the legislation has been stalled for months. After Fitzgibbon's resignation in September 2024, the bill was eventually picked up by the new economy and energy minister, Christine Fréchette.
'After more than 150 hours of consultations and detailed study, the repeated obstruction by the opposition parties, only two-thirds of the clauses of the bill have been adopted,' Fréchette said Friday.
'If work continues at this pace, on the same date next year, the bill will still not have been adopted.'
The bill makes sweeping changes to way Quebec's energy sector operates and power rates are set, and also introduces for the first time the concept of energy sobriety to curb consumption.
The Legault government wants to double electricity production by 2025 and Bill 69 is part of the equation. It will permit Hydro-Québec to dispense with tendering rules in the awarding of certain contracts as well as enter into agreements with indigenous communities.
The bill is supposed to allow the provincial energy utility to launch new wind-power projects as early as this summer. Hydro-Québec plans to spend $200 billion by 2035 on its expansion.
Fréchette said the additional wind power alone will add 2,000 megawatts of power to the grid for power-hunger Quebec companies as well as creating 1,000 jobs in regions of Quebec that have been hard hit in the fallout over U.S. trade tariffs.
Waiting for the opposition was no longer an option. Adopting Bill 69 now will enable Hydro-Québec to save $6 billion by implementing the new wind-power system earlier, she said.
The bill will also permit private companies to sell their electricity to industries directly. For consumers, Bill 69 will ensure domestic electricity rate increases are capped at 3 per cent (a CAQ election promise) and abolish the base price for gas that might be pushing prices up at the pump.
But the last minute addition of 52 amendments to the original legislation sparked an uproar with the three opposition parties, which accused the government of trying to steamroll them.
Parti Québécois energy critic Pascal Paradis estimated the new amendments being rushed in will eventually cost consumers $1 billion in extra charges.
He said the bill fundamentally weakens the power regulator agency, the Régie de énergie.
'Quebecers will have to shell out,' Paradis said. 'Bill 69 is basically a tool box to increase rates.'
The business lobby also objected to the bill, saying Quebec companies and institutions will bear the costs of all the projects.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


CTV News
7 hours ago
- CTV News
Young CAQ members attack unions at their convention in Lévis
At their convention in Lévis on Saturday, young Coalition Avenir Québec members said unions engage in 'undemocratic' practices, echoing arguments put forward by the Legault government. They deplored assemblies with 'prohibitive conditions,' 'radical' positions, and a 'lack of transparency' in how dues are used. Education Minister Bernard Drainville has made similar comments and continues to attack the Fédération autonome de l'enseignement (FAE), which he claims has become a 'political movement.' The FAE is challenging Bill 21 in court, which prohibits certain government employees, including teachers, from wearing religious symbols, upsetting the Legault government. In a brief speech on Saturday, Drainville expressed his delight that the CAQ's new generation, which he describes as a 'spark plug,' is tackling trade unionism and giving a 'good kick to the hornet's nest.' 'Is it normal for a union like the FAE to call an unlimited general strike without a strike fund, but have the money to challenge Bill 21?' he asked. 'Something is not right. Why are we letting them do this? ... A union is not a political party,' said the outgoing president of the youth wing, Aurélie Diep, in a similar vein. The theme of Saturday's convention borrows an expression often used by Premier François Legault: 'It's going to shake things up.' At the end of the discussion, the young CAQ members adopted three proposals: Restrict the use of membership fees ... so that they are not used for partisan purposes Make it mandatory to publish detailed information on the expenses of union and student associations. Submit resolutions ... authorizing the calling of a strike, the adoption of a position or an expense that does not fall within their mission to a majority vote of all their members. Both the vice-president of the Quebec Student Union, Audrey Fortin, and the president of the FAE, Mélanie Hubert, reacted on Saturday by accusing the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) of hypocrisy. 'It's fascinating to be lectured on democracy by a party that, at 4:30 this morning, passed a law under gag order,' Hubert said in a phone interview. 'The CAQ was elected with 41 per cent of the vote in 2022 when 66 per cent of the population voted,' she recalled. For her part, Fortin noted that barely 100 young CAQ members were present in the room to vote on the proposals that were submitted. Developing defence and mining In addition to addressing trade union issues, the young CAQ members discussed the economy, bureaucratic streamlining and internships abroad. In particular, they propose 'developing the defence industry in Quebec and focusing on this high value-added sector to diversify the Quebec economy.' They also want to 'reduce red tape in the mining sector by 50 per cent to make it easier than ever to exploit our critical and strategic minerals.' Meanwhile, Legault is scheduled to deliver a speech on Saturday afternoon following the election of a new executive. This report by The Canadian Press was first published in French June 7, 2025. Caroline Plante, The Canadian Press
.png&w=3840&q=100)
Montreal Gazette
16 hours ago
- Montreal Gazette
Karl Blackburn on how Quebec Liberals can beat the CAQ
The Corner Booth Before the Quebec Liberals can have any hope of unseating the CAQ government in the 2026 provincial election, first they need to elect a new leader. Party members will choose one on June 14 in Quebec City. A late entry into the contest is Karl Blackburn, former MNA for Roberval from 2003 to 2007, and a chief organizer for the party. Blackburn also served as the president and CEO of the Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ), the province's largest employers' group. The Quebec Liberal leadership candidate joined hosts Bill Brownstein and Aaron Rand on this week's episode of The Corner Booth at Snowdon Deli to lay out his vision for uniting the Liberal base in Montreal with the vote-rich regions of the province. Blackburn feels his Lac-St-Jean bonafides will serve the party well outside of the 514-416. 'Mr. Legault in 2022 showed to everybody that he can form a government without Montreal, but we can't form a government without the regions,' Blackburn said. He added appealing to the regions doesn't have to come at the expense of alienating the province's English-speakers. 'It's interesting to see the guy from Saguenay–Lac-St-Jean defend the anglophone community,' Blackburn said. 'This is exactly what I'm doing. I don't want the closed leadership of Mr. Legault, dividing francophones against anglophones.' Blackburn talked about his opposition to the CAQ government's language, education and health-care bills. He also commented on the 'anyone but Rodriguez' sentiment brewing in the race against the early front-runner, former Montreal-area federal minister Pablo Rodriguez. 'The PLQ are not going to be a government anymore if we're not able to reconnect with the regions, and this is my strength,' Blackburn said in response to what would make him a more attractive candidate than Rodriguez. The trio also paid tribute to astronaut and politician Marc Garneau, who passed away this week at the age of 76. Garneau most recently appeared on The Corner Booth in January.
Montreal Gazette
16 hours ago
- Montreal Gazette
Libman: On death, taxes and the future of minority rights in Quebec
Benjamin Franklin famously wrote: 'In this world nothing can be certain, except death and taxes.' Section 23 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, however, comes pretty close. It is the ironclad constitutional protection of minority-language education rights in this country. It has consistently been interpreted by Quebec courts to uphold the right of the English-speaking minority to control and manage its school system. And it's exempt from the application of the notwithstanding clause. After the Coalition Avenir Québec government adopted Bill 40 in 2020, abolishing and replacing school boards with service centres under greater government control, the province's English boards challenged the law as unconstitutional. In 2023 Quebec Superior Court Judge Sylvain Lussier agreed, ruling in no uncertain terms that much of Bill 40 infringes on the English-speaking community's constitutional rights to govern and control its educational institutions. The CAQ government, however, appealed the judgment. In April of this year, Quebec Court of Appeal judges Robert Mainville, Christine Baudouin and Judith Harvie handed down their ruling. They also concluded that parts of Bill 40 infringe on the section of the Charter of Rights that guarantees minority-language education rights and couldn't be demonstrably justified as a reasonable limit on charter rights in a free and democratic society. Another slam dunk for minority education rights. Yet this week, the Legault government went ahead anyways to request leave to appeal this judgment by Quebec's highest court to the Supreme Court of Canada. The irony here shouldn't be lost: Quebec's nationalist government is asking Canada's highest court to overturn rulings from the two Quebec courts. I have little doubt Quebec's lawyers have advised the government they cannot possibly win this case at the Supreme Court. This appeal seems purely political. No one would expect the CAQ to dare show any surrender in assailing minority language rights at the risk of giving a drumstick to their more nationalist rivals, the separatist Parti Québécois. The Supreme Court should refuse to hear the appeal considering how categorically the two Quebec courts unanimously ruled in what seems an open-and-shut case. For several reasons, the ideal scenario would be for the Supreme Court to say the Quebec courts composed of Lussier, Mainville, Baudouin and Harvie have already made an irreproachable decision. Case closed. This, in fact, could even benefit the CAQ (which they might be secretly hoping for) because if the Supreme Court does take the case and inevitably invalidates sections of the law sometime next year, around Quebec election time, it would help provide ripe fodder for the PQ to condemn Canada for 'again' crushing Quebec's aspirations and ignoring its 'distinctiveness' — while conveniently glossing over the fact that Quebec francophone judges had also unanimously struck it down. But watch out for another concern. Within days of the appeal court's ruling, coincidentally or not, Quebec Justice Minister Simon Jolin-Barrette announced his intention to launch negotiations with Ottawa about amending the Constitution so that Quebec judges are chosen from among members of the Quebec Bar, recommended by the Quebec government. Currently, superior and appeal court judges are appointed by the federal government. Judges in this country act as a check and balance for government legislation, if challenged. They are impartial arbiters, interpreting the charters of rights to balance individual or minority rights against political objectives. In Quebec, where an important linguistic minority relies on constitutional protections, the courts are their only redress at times, often against the backdrop of a highly charged language environment. We need only look across the border at the U.S. to see what can happen when the court system becomes politicized. If certain Quebec governments started to exert influence on the courts by appointing judges known for favouring collective rights over individual rights, or harbouring secessionist sympathies, for example, the last vestiges of protection for minority communities, including the certainty of Section 23, could vanish.