Fatal shooting in New Mexico park casts pall over Legislature and its ability to contain crime
Efforts by New Mexico lawmakers to contain violent crime took center stage Saturday at the conclusion of an annual legislative session — just hours after three people were killed and 15 injured in an outburst of gunfire at a public park in Las Cruces.
The events transformed an ordinarily celebratory day for legislators at the close of a 60-day session into a somber affair.
'This tragedy reminds us that it's going to take all of us to continue to come together to address these senseless acts of violence,' said Democratic House Speaker Javier Martinez of Albuquerque.
Republicans legislators in the legislative minority said the state is in crisis and urged Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham to exercise her authority to bring the legislators back to the Capitol to seek solutions to violent crime. Lujan Grisham said she was considering it, amid feelings of anger and disappointment.
'I cannot ignore that we failed to adequately address the public safety crisis in our state,' Lujan Grisham said in a statement.
At the same time, legislators have delivered an array of crime-related bills to the governor that aim to enhance criminal penalties, expand the state's authority to prosecute organized crime and provide new precautions when criminal defendants are deemed mentally incompetent to stand trial.
A bill won legislative approval on a 38-0 Senate vote this week that would expand the state's racketeering law to address activity ranging from human trafficking to smuggling contraband into prisons and cock fighting. Lujan Grisham said she lobbied legislators aggressively to deliver the bill.
A public safety law signed by the governor in February included enhanced penalties for mass-shooting threats, fentanyl trafficking and repeated vehicle thefts, while also banning devices — such as the Glock switch — that convert guns into automatic weapons.
Lawmakers overhauled the state's red-flag gun law, under which firearms may be temporarily removed from people who may pose a danger. The update explicitly authorizes police officers to file petitions and removes a 48-hour waiting period for firearm relinquishment.
Legislators also sent the governor bills that establish a trust fund to underwrite an expansion of addiction and mental health services, while identifying gaps in the system. Legislators are grappling with public concern about not only crime but also the proliferation of homeless encampments in New Mexico.
Beyond New Mexico, a tough-on-crime approach is back in political favor, with Republicans and Democrats alike promoting new law enforcement initiatives in state capitols.
Nationwide, nearly 8 in 10 voters in the U.S. said they were 'very' or 'somewhat' concerned about crime in their own communities, according to AP VoteCast, a survey of more than 120,000 voters conducted during the fall election. The percentage saying they were very concerned was higher than the national rate in New Mexico and several other states, including Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and California.
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NBC News
43 minutes ago
- NBC News
The Trump test, Democrats' future and big money: Three things to watch in New Jersey's primaries
New Jersey voters are heading to the polls on Tuesday to pick nominees for this year's race for governor, in the first high-profile primaries for both parties since the 2024 election. New Jersey is one of two states with a gubernatorial race this year, along with Virginia. And both contests will be closely watched as early indicators of how voters are responding to President Donald Trump's second term. Democratic New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy cannot run for re-election due to term limits, so there are contested races for both parties' nominations. Candidates and groups have spent $85 million on ads this year in both primaries, according to to the ad-tracking firm AdImpact, with more than $75 million spent in the Democratic primary alone. As Democrats nationally have tried to regroup following Trump's 2024 victory, where he also narrowed his margin of victory in bluer states like New Jersey, the six Democratic candidates have presented different paths forward for their party. And the race is still unsettled heading into the primary. On the Republican side, five candidates are on the ballot — but former state Assemblyman Jack Ciattarelli, whom Trump endorsed in mid-May, is viewed as the front-runner. Polls close at 8 p.m. ET. Here are three things to watch as voters make their choices. Which path will Democrats choose? The crowded Democratic primary remains the most unpredictable race New Jersey has seen in decades, in part because county parties can no longer give advantageous ballot positions to their preferred candidates, following a lawsuit from Democrat Andy Kim during his Senate run last year. The suit weakened the state's party machines and contributed to a wide-open contest. As Democratic voters in New Jersey have evaluated the candidates, some have prioritized electability, raising concerns that Ciattarelli will be tough to beat in November. The former state legislator lost to Murphy in 2021 by 3 percentage points. And Trump also made gains in the state last year, losing by 6, a 10-point improvement on his 2020 margin, which was the second-largest swing toward Trump in the country. Democratic voters also say they are looking for a candidate to take on Trump. Against that backdrop, each Democrat has been pitching a different path forward for their party, and Tuesday's primary will be Democratic voters' first major opportunity to weigh in on which path they should take. Democratic Rep. Mikie Sherrill has been viewed as the relative front-runner after leading in limited public polling, although candidates are often clustered together within the margin of error. Sherrill has leveraged the party's successful playbook from the 2018 midterm elections, when she and other Democrats flipped Republican-held House seats. She has emphasized her background as a Navy helicopter pilot and a federal prosecutor in her pitch as someone who can effectively govern and take on Trump. Sherrill has faced recent attacks for her House campaign accepting donations from a corporate PAC tied to Elon Musk's SpaceX, and for being late to disclose two stock trades related to her husband's work. Sherrill's House campaign donated the PAC money to charity. She also paid a fine for the late disclosure and supports a stock trading ban for members of Congress. Newark Mayor Ras Baraka has been pitching himself as the true progressive in the race who's willing to take on the president. He garnered national attention when he was arrested last month at a federal immigration detention facility. (The charges were later dropped, and Baraka is now suing New Jersey U.S. Attorney Alina Habba in response.) The attention has given Baraka's campaign a last-minute boost, with recent fundraising reports showing that his campaign raised $962,000 in the 17 days following the arrest, more than twice as much as his next closest Democratic competitor. Jersey City Mayor Steve Fulop is also appealing to the party's liberal voters, describing his supporters as 'pragmatic progressive' voters. Fulop has been running an anti-establishment campaign, criticizing the state's Democratic political machine and Murphy, whom he described at a recent campaign stop as a 'sub-average' governor. Teachers' union president Sean Spiller has said he also considers himself a progressive and has criticized those in his party who he says are backed by wealthy corporate interests. Spiller himself has been boosted by Working New Jersey, a super PAC funded by the New Jersey Education Association, which Spiller leads. Democratic Rep. Josh Gottheimer, one of the more moderate members of Congress, has been pitching an economic-focused message, saying he will work to bring down the state's high cost of living. And former state Senate President Steve Sweeney, who lost re-election in 2021 to an underfunded GOP challenger, has argued that he is best equipped to lead the state government given his legislative experience. Sweeney, who is also stressing his blue-collar roots as a former ironworker, could have a geographic advantage as the only candidate from South Jersey. How influential is Trump's endorsement? The GOP primary will be a key test for Trump's endorsement and determine whether the president has helped consolidate his supporters around Ciattarelli, his preferred candidate in the race. Ciattarelli sharply criticized then-candidate Trump in 2015, calling him a 'charlatan' and unfit to be president, and he notably did not campaign with Trump when he ran for governor in 2021. Trump knocked Ciattarelli for failing to do so in a radio appearance last year with Ciattarelli's chief competitor in the GOP primary, Bill Spadea. 'This guy never came to ask for my support,' Trump said then of Ciattarelli. 'And you know what, when MAGA sees that, they don't like it and they didn't vote for him. He would have won easily if he did.' Spadea also asked for Trump's endorsement in the race, and the possibility that Trump would take sides in the primary loomed over the contest for months. The president ultimately endorsed Ciattarelli on May 12, writing on Truth Social that Ciattarelli is now '100%' MAGA and is best positioned to win in November. Ciattarelli, for his part, now says he fully supports Trump and dismissed his past comments in an April interview with NBC News, noting other Republicans (including Vice President JD Vance) have criticized Trump in the past. The primary could also shed light on the size of the anti-Trump wing of the GOP in New Jersey, with state Sen. Jon Bramnick in the race. Bramnick, a longtime state legislator who is also a standup comedian, has called for a return to civility, and he has sharply criticized Trump in the past. Two other candidates are also on the Republican primary ballot: former Englewood Cliffs Mayor Mario Kranjac, a a self-described 'forever Trumper' who has been endorsed by former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, and contractor Justin Barbera. Will the millions of dollars matter? Tuesday's primaries in New Jersey will also test outside groups' influence as they've spent millions of dollars in the pricey New York and Philadelphia media markets to reach Garden State voters. The pro-Spiller super PAC Working New Jersey, which is tied to the state's teachers' union, had spent a whopping $35 million on the race as of May 27, according to the latest campaign finance reports, while Spiller's campaign itself had spent $342,000. The group has spent $12.1 million on ads this year, according to AdImpact. That ad-spending sum was surpassed only by Affordable New Jersey, a super PAC supporting Gottheimer, which was funded largely by transfers from Gottheimer's congressional campaign. That group has spent $14.8 million on the airwaves. Fulop has also gotten a boost by a super PAC called Coalition for Progress, which has spent $8.1 million on ads this year. Sherrill's aligned super PAC, One Giant Leap PAC, has dropped nearly $5.9 million on the airwaves, largely over the last month of the race. Ciattarelli has had a financial advantage in the GOP primary, spending $6 million on ads, compared to Spadea's $1.7 million and Bramnick's $1.2 million, according to AdImpact. Both Ciattarelli and Spadea have also gotten boosts from super PACs, but both groups have spent less than $1 million on ads in the race.
NBC News
43 minutes ago
- NBC News
Steve Kornacki: The geographic dividing lines shaping New Jersey's primary
Rep. Mikie Sherrill heads into Tuesday's primary as the favorite to win the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey. She has blanketed the pricey New York and Philadelphia metro airwaves with television ads, she enjoys the backing of much of the party's establishment, and she had opened double-digit leads in two polls that were released several weeks ago. There is uncertainty, though. Credible public polling has, overall, been limited and infrequent. And court-imposed changes to the layout of the primary ballot could dramatically dilute the power of the endorsements Sherrill has received from key county Democratic organizations. Sherrill's opponents have each made inroads. But, at least so far, that seems to have had the effect of keeping them in one another's way, preventing one from emerging as the clear alternative to Sherrill. Consider the state's political geography. You can draw a line south of Mercer and Monmouth counties, roughly where Route 195 would be on a map. Below that is South Jersey. Democratic politics here are dominated by an old-fashioned political machine that is backing the lone South Jersey candidate in the field: former state Sen. Steve Sweeney. The trouble for Sweeney is that only about 30% of all primary votes will come from tis region. And because South Jersey is part of the Philadelphia media market, he's not well-known in the rest of the state, which is served heavily by the New York market. And to the extent he is known, Sweeney's connection to the South Jersey machine is a liability. According to a May Insider NJ poll, conducted by StimSight Research, more Democratic voters said the term 'typical machine politician' applies to him than any other candidate. No wonder he has lagged far behind in polling. Then there's vote-rich North Jersey, where the other candidates can all claim some advantage. Newark Mayor Ras Baraka is likely to win his city — the state's largest — overwhelmingly. Newark is also the seat of Essex County, which has more registered Democrats than any other county. More than 40% of Essex's population is Black, which should further boost Baraka, the lone Black candidate in the race. Nearby Union County, which has the second-highest share of Black residents, could offer another trove of votes. Baraka has also made a wider play for the party's progressive base. He has run hard to the left, and he burnished his anti-Trump credentials when he was arrested at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility last month. Coupled with deep Black support, that could be the makings of a potent coalition in a statewide primary. But Baraka has encountered traffic in the progressive lane thanks to the presence of Jersey City Mayor Steve Fulop, who is also embracing left-wing themes and has framed his candidacy as a war on the Democratic establishment. Insider NJ's poll asked Democrats whether any of the candidates stood out to them as being 'a true progressive.' Baraka and Fulop were cited more than anyone else — by far. In other words, they are each garnering support the other could badly use. Another candidate, Rep. Josh Gottheimer, has pitched his message more toward the middle, promising tax cuts and emphasizing cost-of-living issues. Gottheimer won his House seat by flipping what had been a reliably Republican district, and he has amassed an enviable campaign bankroll. He figures to perform strongly in suburban Bergen County, his political base, and he has been endorsed by Bergen's official Democratic organization. But when he entered the race, Gottheimer was counting on his perceived electability to gain the support of multiple major county organizations in North Jersey — not just his home county. Those organizations retain the feeling of old political machines, with their own formidable turnout operations and the ability to spend on their preferred candidates' behalf. Last year, Gottheimer seemed to notch a big one, when leaders from Hudson County (which includes Fulop's Jersey City) gave him their support. It was, he hoped, the first of many big dominoes to fall. But that deal crumbled apart over the winter, and the Hudson organization instead endorsed Sherrill. And Gottheimer kept missing out, too. Besides Bergen's, his only other party endorsement comes from tiny rural Warren County in the northwest corner of the state. Instead, it was Sherrill and her perceived electability that those county machines decided to go in with. Like Gottheimer, she also flipped a longtime GOP seat en route to Congress and has been a potent fundraiser. Her background as a Navy fighter pilot has also been a key selling point. Outside of Bergen's, Sherrill has won the endorsement of every major county machine in North Jersey — which as a region will produce about 70% of all votes in the primary. The near-unanimous show of establishment support has created a sense of momentum around Sherrill's campaign and sent a signal to donors and other influencers to get on board. And that's on top of the practical get-out-the-vote advantage it provides her. That having been said, there's a major ingredient missing this year: 'the line.' In the past, county parties would have been able to provide Sherrill with a highly preferential spot on primary ballots. But a court ruling undid that power last year. To what extent that dulls the power of the machines in primary elections is something everyone will be watching for in Tuesday's results. Still, Sherrill has managed to avoid the downsides of being associated with establishment politics. Only 20% of Democrats say the term 'typical machine politician' fits her — half the percentage who said the same about Sweeney in the same Insider NJ poll. That poll also found that an outright majority of Democrats said she could win the November election, far more than anyone else. Each major candidate will have pockets of deep support Tuesday. In polls and endorsements, though, Sherrill has shown the potential to perform well across the board, even in counties where she isn't the top vote-getter. If she can realize that potential Tuesday, victory will be hers. But it has to be said that we are flying blind here. If the dynamics of the race have shifted in the last few weeks, there has been almost no public polling that would catch it. And the demise of 'the line' has pushed the primary further into uncharted territory. The history of New Jersey Democratic primaries says Sherrill should win — but is history still worth anything in 2025?
The Herald Scotland
4 hours ago
- The Herald Scotland
Trump polls well on immigration, amid Los Angeles protests
The poll was conducted before Trump ordered the National Guard into Los Angeles on June 8. More: 'I would': Trump says he'd arrest California Gov. Gavin Newsom Under Trump, immigration authorities have ordered arrests and deportations across the country. In San Diego, agents raided an Italian restaurant on June 6, arresting multiple kitchen workers. Sometimes violent demonstrations ignited in Los Angeles that same day over immigration raids. Local law enforcement, responding to the protests were joined by members of the California National Guard on June 8, ordered there by Trump over the objection of Gov. Gavin Newsom. More: Illegal border crossings at record lows as Trump crackdown spreads Newsom has asked the president to withdraw troops, criticized him on social media for "fanning the flames," and said the state is suing the Trump administration. Trump has called the move necessary, writing on Truth Social, "These are not protesters, they are troublemakers and insurrectionists." A small majority of polled voters are backing his overall approach immigration. Fifty-four percent told CBS News and YouGov they approve of the administration's deportation efforts. A little over 40% said they think Trump's crackdown is making America safer. Most of that support came from his base: 93% of Republicans said they approved, compared to 18% of Democrats. Meanwhile, 49% of independents agreed. More: Finneas teargassed in LA protests: 'They're inciting this' Invoking wartime powers to stop what he calls an "invasion," Trump has said repeatedly his administration is targeting violent criminals who are in the country illegally. A majority of voters said they believe all or some illegal immigrants should be deported, in a Pew Research Center survey earlier this year. Of those who said "some," 97% agreed people who committed violent crimes should be forced to leave. More: Massachusetts high school student granted bail by immigration court However, the Trump administration's aggressive efforts have ensnared some immigrants accused of or charged with nonviolent offenses and some with no criminal record at all. And the hurried pace of the deportations has ignored due process, experts and advocates say. Despite receiving most of his support from voters on immigration policy, Trump's overall ratings remain at a dip. Polls in early June show him between 45% and 50% approval. Contributing: Lauren Villagran
