
Euro NCAP car crash safety ratings get major four-pronged shake-up
A comprehensive overhaul of the Euro NCAP safety ratings will see current assessments replaced next year by ratings across 'four pillars of safety' – safe driving, crash avoidance, crash protection, and post-crash safety – from next year.
Euro NCAP will realign many of its existing test protocols into the four new categories, but there'll be new protocols too, especially in the area of ratings for Advanced Driver Assistance Systems (ADAS).
We caught up with Euro NCAP's Technical Manager ADAS/AD, Adriano Palao, during testing of the Renault 5 at MIRA, and he told us why the changes are needed. Advertisement - Article continues below
'We are very careful to only introduce scenarios in the assessment that can happen in real life,' he said, 'but there are missing pieces and we still have room for improvement.
'We started robustness activity around two and a half years ago, as we were keen to understand how sensitive our testing was to small changes. What happens when you move the car a little bit to the left or to the right? What happens in a scenario that was supposed to be completely free of objects, if you suddenly introduce a car next to the main target? These little variations actually have a tremendous effect on the performance of ADAS,' he claims. Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
'That led us to understand that some vehicle manufacturers were actually sub-optimising their systems to perform well in our tests, and not in real-world situations,' Palao told us, while also acknowledging others have 'a consistent and thorough approach' that optimises for the real world, and not for NCAP scenarios.
'As with every game that has a set of rules, you can find a trick to beat it,' he says. 'In our case there is a formula to get five stars and everyone knows how to do it. So from 2026, the way we are going to assess ADAS is going to change. We are going to reserve the right to inject layers of variation into test scenarios, to understand how sensitive systems are to changes. Because it is not our purpose to assess cars just for show, or just to say, 'Okay, this has five stars'. Our driving force has always been real-world safety outcomes.'
Euro NCAP will be updating its car safety testing in four key areas for 2026.
NCAP is strengthening its assessments of driver-monitoring systems to improve attention and driver engagement. Whereas drowsiness and distraction alerts are worth two points currently, from 2026 there'll be 25 points on offer for more advanced systems monitoring the driver's performance, with top ratings requiring real-time eye and head tracking, and not just sensors that can tell if you're gripping the steering wheel. Advertisement - Article continues below Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
There'll also be points awarded for systems that can recognise and respond to signs of drug or alcohol impairment, and bring a vehicle to a halt if a driver is unresponsive.
Euro NCAP is also introducing ratings for the human-machine interface, looking at the position, feel and accessibility of essential controls,
This category will include the more intensive approach to testing collision-avoidance systems such as Steering Assist and Automatic Emergency Braking – building on the work Euro NCAP has already been performing for more than a decade, by introducing tests that better represent real-world accident conditions.
Euro NCAP will build on its crash testing programme that focuses on the passive safety aspects of a car's design and specification. There'll be a wider focus on drivers of different shapes and sizes, to improve protection for older drivers and child occupants. There'll also be greater assessment of the risks in rollover situations, and closer focus on pedestrian safety, including structures around the windscreen.
The range of upgrades to the test protocol here covers systems like eCall, which in future must include information on the number of occupants in a car in automated emergency messages. This requires the detection of occupants even when the seatbelts are unbuckled. Advertisement - Article continues below Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
There are also updated ratings for occupant-extraction procedures, for example around opening doors if there has been a vehicle power failure.
There will also be new ratings for an electric car's ability to detect and manage fire risk.
New safety technologies aren't just a challenge that car manufacturers must get right. Euro NCAP itself must find ways of accurately rating the performance of vehicle systems designed to meet the increasingly tough criteria it sets. Which is why we find ourselves at the MIRA test track in Warwickshire on a bright spring morning in the company of the dedicated team charged with rating the performance of the all-new electric Renault 5.
We're there at the invitation of Euro NCAP itself, which is keen to communicate how it goes about testing Advanced Driver Assistance Systems (ADAS) such as Steering Assist and Collision avoidance, as part of an effort to promote driver understanding of this increasingly ubiquitous tech. So we're going to witness the organisation's latest Assisted Driving test protocol being carried out for the first time in the UK. Or at least we'll be witnessing some of it. Euro NCAP's full 2024 Assisted Driving Test and Assessment protocol runs to nearly 60 pages, and awards points for the performance during live testing of speed assistance, adaptive cruise control, steering assistance and collision avoidance. Advertisement - Article continues below Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
It doesn't end there either, because points are also awarded for how well manufacturers explain their systems to drivers through marketing and handbook content, and how drivers are able to engage with the systems in practice. Of course this is on top of the raft of passive crash and safety system tests carried out by Euro NCAP, which have all helped to make the organisation such an indisputably powerful force for change.
In order to rate one car's performance against another, Euro NCAP must be able to systematically repeat tests within an exact set of parameters. That's not easy when a number of the protocols include the vehicle being tested in scenarios including other vehicles – cars, motorcycles and even bicycles – which can either be moving or stationary.
We're here to see how NCAP assesses the performance of emergency brake assist when confronted by the particular challenge of a stationary or slow-moving obstruction that's revealed scant seconds before a potential accident, when when the car that you're following using active cruise control swerves sideways into the next lane to avoid its own collision. NCAP calls this a 'cut-out test' and awards points for active braking systems that will successfully prevent you from ploughing into the back of the stranded or slow-moving car, and more points if your emergency braking system can also avoid the motorcycle and bicycle – which are much more difficult for a test car's sensors to recognise and respond to. Advertisement - Article continues below Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
James Buck, technical specialist for the ADAS team at MIRA, introduces us to some of the test kit, which includes an electric Peugeot E-308 adorned with rooftop aerials and an interior stuffed with very expensive electronics, including state-of-the-art positioning technology and robotic controls in the form of a servo-operated steering wheel and pedals.
Inside the middle of the car, a solid vertical metal pillar supports an important-looking red box. 'That box needs to be rigidly attached to the vehicle so it doesn't judder around, because within it are accelerometers and gyroscopes, which work with the GPS antenna on top to give us an extremely precise location,' says James. 'Also on the roof is a WiFi antenna, so we can send our data over to a WiFi antenna on the test car, which has its own red box doing exactly the same thing, so both cars know exactly where the other is.
'The reason we've got the steering robot in is to make sure that when we do the test, it's very repeatable,' he continues. 'So we can do the test a hundred times and we can eliminate all variables in it. If I was to do the lane change myself around the bike, I'm never going to get it exactly the same every time. The steering robot is receiving information from the red boxes, so knows exactly where to go, and by having steering that is consistent and repeatable, we can isolate variables to make sure we're testing the vehicle's actual performance.' Advertisement - Article continues below Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
The Peugeot is referred to in the protocol as the 'SOV' or 'secondary other vehicle' in the cut-out tests, but the potential 'target' vehicles that the test car must try to avoid colliding with are pretty special too. Not at first sight, it should probably be said, because the Global Vehicle Target (GVT), Euro NCAP Motorcyclist Target (EMT) and Euro NCAP Bicyclist Target (EBTa), are outwardly rather flimsy-looking foam constructions with a decidedly Heath-Robinson flavour.
There's a good reason for that, of course, because if a collision-avoidance system fails to avoid a collision on test, the test car and occupants must be able to drive straight through the target, sending foam components flying, but leaving the test car undamaged.
'A lot of effort goes into making the targets visually correct, so the camera system thinks it's real, but the radar characteristics have to be right as well, because obviously they have to reflect like a real-life target to be picked up by vehicle radar and LiDAR [(Light Detection and Ranging] systems as well,' says James. 'So as well as the foam, they contain metallic plates or shavings hidden deep inside, so to a test vehicle's sensors they'll look just like the real thing.'
Of course the targets also have to be moving for the Euro NCAP tests, which means they scoot around on computer-controlled trolleys which are just a few centimetres off the ground, allowing them to pass safely underneath a car's wheels if a collision takes place. 'The Global Vehicle Target is like a big flying carpet with a foam body on top,' James quips. 'But again, it's had a lot of development work to make sure it looks like a real car to the radar sensors.' Advertisement - Article continues below Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
It's certainly reassuring to know that we're dealing with the 'soft target' motorcycle when it's our turn to jump in the Renault 5 and experience the test for ourselves.
Interestingly, while the SOV is driven by robots, there's a test engineer in the driving seat of the Renault. Ameel Lalji leads the Euro NCAP ADAS programme at MIRA, and as we set up for our first collision-avoidance 'cut-out test', he explains the process.
'The car is going to pretty much do its own thing,' he tells us. 'I'm going to activate the Adaptive Cruise Control [ACC], set it to the closest gap to the vehicle ahead, and a speed of 70kmh. The SOV will be driving at 50mph, so we'll close in and let our car hold position. Then I'll let go of the wheel, as the car will be doing its own steering to stay in the lane.'
It's getting quite exciting now, especially when Ameel goes on to explain what happens next: 'I should warn you the braking is going to be a bit aggressive,' he says. 'Because we're following under ACC, when the SOV ahead of us cuts out of our lane, the first thing our car will do is try to accelerate up to its set speed of 70kmh. Then, when it recognises the obstruction ahead, it should slam on emergency braking.' Advertisement - Article continues below Skip advert Advertisement - Article continues below
Luckily the Renault performs exactly as hoped, and our foam motorcyclist survives the experience, braking sharply to a halt five metres short of an impact. Ameel checks his laptop and reads out the numbers: 'That was nine metres per second of deceleration, so pretty much full on at almost 1g of braking. It won't do much more than that, but it only had to do it for a second and a half,' he says.
So could – or should – a real-life driver on the motorway have performed as well as the ADAS system in a real-life emergency? Well maybe, but what if they were momentarily distracted by their touchscreen or chatting to a passenger? In that case the motorcyclist might not have fared so well, and from our point of view the test was extremely affirming.
As driving enthusiasts, we may not always appreciate annoying interventions from ADAS going about its business as we're going about ours, but do we really need to have to deal with the consequences of cars striking bikers or cyclists in real life to appreciate their value? We'd say no, but it's clear from our own experiences of ADAS and those related by readers, that more development is needed in some cases to ensure blemish-free operation. But intense pressure to improve standards is exactly what the Euro NCAP programme has always delivered and, unlike our Renault, it's not slowing down for the obstacles ahead.
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The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
How the Vatican manages money and where Pope Leo XIV might find more
The world's smallest country has a big budget problem. The Vatican doesn't tax its residents or issue bonds. It primarily finances the Catholic Church 's central government through donations that have been plunging, ticket sales for the Vatican Museums, as well as income from investments and an underperforming real estate portfolio. The last year the Holy See published a consolidated budget, in 2022, it projected 770 million euros ($878 million), with the bulk paying for embassies around the world and Vatican media operations. In recent years, it hasn't been able to cover costs. That leaves Pope Leo XIV facing challenges to drum up the funds needed to pull his city-state out of the red. Withering donations Anyone can donate money to the Vatican, but the regular sources come in two main forms. Canon law requires bishops around the world to pay an annual fee, with amounts varying and at bishops' discretion 'according to the resources of their dioceses.' U.S. bishops contributed over one-third of the $22 million (19.3 million euros) collected annually under the provision from 2021-2023, according to Vatican data. The other main source of annual donations is more well-known to ordinary Catholics: Peter's Pence, a special collection usually taken on the last Sunday of June. From 2021-2023, individual Catholics in the U.S. gave an average $27 million (23.7 million euros) to Peter's Pence, more than half the global total. American generosity hasn't prevented overall Peter's Pence contributions from cratering. After hitting a high of $101 million (88.6 million euros) in 2006, contributions hovered around $75 million (66.8 million euros) during the 2010's then tanked to $47 million (41.2 million euros) during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic, when many churches were closed. 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Even more important is leaving behind the 'mendicant mentality' of fundraising to address a particular problem, and instead encouraging Catholics to invest in the church as a project, he said. Speaking right after Leo's installation ceremony in St. Peter's Square, which drew around 200,000 people, Gahl asked: 'Don't you think there were a lot of people there that would have loved to contribute to that and to the pontificate?' In the U.S., donation baskets are passed around at every Sunday Mass. Not so at the Vatican. Untapped real estate The Vatican has 4,249 properties in Italy and 1,200 more in London, Paris, Geneva and Lausanne, Switzerland. Only about one-fifth are rented at fair market value, according to the annual report from the APSA patrimony office, which manages them. Some 70% generate no income because they house Vatican or other church offices; the remaining 10% are rented at reduced rents to Vatican employees. In 2023, these properties only generated 35 million euros ($39.9 million) in profit. Financial analysts have long identified such undervalued real estate as a source of potential revenue. But Ward Fitzgerald, the president of the U.S.-based Papal Foundation, which finances papal charities, said the Vatican should also be willing to sell properties, especially those too expensive to maintain. Many bishops are wrestling with similar downsizing questions as the number of church-going Catholics in parts of the U.S. and Europe shrinks and once-full churches stand empty. Toward that end, the Vatican recently sold the property housing its embassy in Tokyo's high-end Sanbancho neighborhood, near the Imperial Palace, to a developer building a 13-story apartment complex, according to the Kensetsu News trade journal. Yet there has long been institutional reluctance to part with even money-losing properties. Witness the Vatican announcement in 2021 that the cash-strapped Fatebenefratelli Catholic hospital in Rome, run by a religious order, would not be sold. Pope Francis simultaneously created a Vatican fundraising foundation to keep it and other Catholic hospitals afloat. 'They have to come to grips with the fact that they own so much real estate that is not serving the mission of the church,' said Fitzgerald, who built a career in real estate private equity. ___ AP reporter Mari Yamaguchi in Tokyo contributed. ___ Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP's collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.


Telegraph
an hour ago
- Telegraph
How Europe could go ‘Mega' by 2027
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His reforms, including the liberalisation of some of Europe's strictest abortion laws, are set to be frustrated by Mr Nawrocki's vetoes. Mr Tusk has called for a vote of confidence on June 11 to shore up his restive coalition, which is trailing PiS in the polls. Even if that passes, it looks very unlikely his government will survive to the end of its term in 2027, and while it is unclear who the PiS's candidate could be in the next general election, a hard-Right prime minister is not unlikely. Czech Republic Businessman turned politician Andrej Babis is leading in the surveys – consistently polling about 30 per cent – ahead of October's general election in the Czech Republic. The last election saw him lose to a Conservative-Liberal coalition by just a handful of votes. Babis's party, ANO, obtained 27.13 per cent of the vote, while Spolu, which leads the coalition of the current government, won 27.79 per cent of the vote. 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His policies, such as laws insisting Hungary only legally recognises two genders, have drawn praise and emulation from Maga supporters. But he has angered Western EU member states by opposing sanctions on the Kremlin and banning gay pride marches. Mr Orban is currently the most vocal nationalist leader in calling for pan-European alliances of hard-Right parties to radically reform the EU. His party is in a European Parliament alliance with the parties led by Mr Wilders, Marine Le Pen, Ms Meloni's coalition partner Matteo Salvini, and Spain's Vox. Sweden (2026) Prime minister Ulf Kristersson's coalition is propped up by the hard-Right Sweden Democrats, which remains formally outside of government despite coming second in a 2022 election dominated by fears over immigration and crime. The far-Right nearly doubled their vote share between 2014 and 2022, from 12.86 per cent to 20.54 per cent, which is largely down to the Sweden Democrats. The Sweden Democrats have exerted considerable influence over the government and its agenda. The question is whether voters will give Jimmie Akesson enough of a mandate to finally bust the taboo that has so far kept a party partially founded by Nazi sympathisers from being formally in government. Italy (2027) Giorgia Meloni has emerged as a genuine stateswoman since she took power in 2022, and experts believe her example of government has made the hard-Right in Europe more credible. She has kept her Right-wing coalition together, which is no easy task in Italy. She positioned herself as a mediator between the EU and Mr Trump while successfully spearheading a drive to get Brussels' tacit backing for offshore migrant detention camps. Thanks to her, the Italian hard-Right's vote share has risen from just 1.97 per cent in 2013 to 27.2 per cent in 2022, and she will be optimistic of another victory in 2027's general election. She has much in common politically with Mr Orban, but they are divided over Ukraine, which has split the European hard-Right. She shares a European political party with Poland's Law and Justice, which is hawkish on Russia and will be contesting the general election in 2027 if Mr Tusk's vote of confidence passes next week. Spain (2027) Spain's conservatives won the popular vote – 33.1 per cent – in the last general election, but fell short of a majority. Their potential coalition allies, Vox, the far-Right and Trump allied nationalists, underperformed, obtaining just 12.4 per cent of the vote. That opened the door for socialist prime minister Pedro Sanchez to assemble an extremely broad coalition of the centre-Left, communists and Catalan and Basque separatists. Polarised Spain's culture wars have only got worse in the years since the 2023 election and the start of the divisive Mr Sanchez's second term. The pardoning of Catalan separatists and political discussions with former terrorists, as well as corruption allegations about his wife and allies, could cost him in 2027. France (2027) Emmanuel Macron called snap parliamentary elections, effectively daring the French to hand over power to the hard-Right, after Marine Le Pen's National Rally defeated him in the European Parliament elections last summer. National Rally did not get a majority, after a group of different parties united to keep out the hard-Right. But Mr Macron's party lost its majority in the National Assembly and has been a lame duck domestically ever since. Head of the largest single party in France, Ms Le Pen is well positioned for presidential elections in 2027, in which Mr Macron cannot stand. But Ms Le Pen was banned from running for the presidency in March after being found guilty of embezzlement. It drew immediate comparisons to the 'lawfare' waged on Mr Trump, who offered his support. She is appealing, but her protege Jordan Bardella will run in her stead if necessary. Polls are showing that either could win against Gabriel Attal, a contender to succeed Mr Macron as candidate – if they were to run. Ms Le Pen would beat him 53 per cent to 47 per cent, Bardella by 52 per cent to 48 per cent. The question is whether the 'front republican' will once again emerge in the second round of the presidential elections to keep the National Rally from power. Or, as it did this week in Poland, fall just short. The election of a Eurosceptic leader to the presidency of France, the EU's most influential member state alongside Germany, would be a political earthquake that would shake Brussels to its core. Why now? Andre Krouwel, who teaches political science at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, said the populist parties in Europe were comparing notes as they plotted their routes to power. He said: 'They use the success and failure of other parties to learn from and use in campaigns. You see a lot of copying of strategies, such as victim playing or attacking so-called elites.' In general, traditional parties had an advantage in their experience and ability to govern, he added. Mr Wilders' decision to pull the plug on his coalition was an example that proved populists were 'good at saying things, not doing them.' The parties were also 'super-unstable' and given to infighting. For Prof Krouwel, the rise of the populist Right across Europe has its roots in economic anxiety as well as fears over immigration. 'There was always an expectation that your children will do better than you. You can't say that now,' he said, adding that Dutch children were staying home far longer because they can't afford to move out. 'We are all becoming southern Europe and that is an explanation for the populist surge,' he said. Maria Skora, visiting researcher at the European Policy Centre think tank in Brussels, said there were certain broad trends common to many EU countries where the hard Right was on the rise. There have been 15 years of difficulties, including the eurozone and migrant crises. The pandemic was followed by the war in Ukraine and the resulting cost of living crisis. That all contributed to the sense that traditional parties were not delivering. Meanwhile, parties like the AfD were extremely effective at using social media and digital campaigning. 'It's a digital revolution, as big a revolution as you know, radio back in the day,' Ms Skora said. 'I think this feeds into this tribalism and polarisation, which we see in more countries.'


Sky News
2 hours ago
- Sky News
Diplomatic win for UK hosting US-China trade talks
Sky News understands that the Trump administration approached the UK government to ask if it would host round two of the US-China trade talks. This is a useful 'diplo-win' for the UK. The first round was held in Geneva last month. News of that happening came as a surprise. The Chinese and the Americans were in the midst of a Trump-instigated trade war. President Trump was en route to Saudi Arabia and suddenly we got word of talks in Switzerland. They went surprisingly well. US treasury secretary Scott Bessent and his Chinese counterpart He Lifeng, met face-to-face and agreed to suspend most tariffs for 90 days. But two weeks later, the Trump administration accused Beijing of breaking the agreements reached in Geneva. Beijing threw the blame back at Washington. On Wednesday, Donald Trump and Xi Jinping spoke by phone. The Chinese claimed this call was at the Americans' request. Either way, the consequence was that the talks were back on track. "I just concluded a very good phone call with President Xi of China, discussing some of the intricacies of our recently made, and agreed to, trade deal," President Trump said this week. From that call came the impetus for a second round of talks. A venue was needed. In stepped the UK at short notice. Beyond being geographically convenient, UK government sources suggest that Britain is geopolitically in the right place right now to act as this bridge and facilitator. The UK-China relationship is in the process of a "reset". Other locations, like Brussels or other EU capitals, would have been less workable. Crucially too, for the UK, this is also potentially advantageous as it seeks to get its own UK-US trade agreement, to eliminate or massively reduce tariffs, over the line. 5:08 Talks on reaching the "implementation phase" have been near-continuous since the announcement last month, but having the American principals in London is a plus. Sideline talks are possible, but even the presence of the US team in the UK is helpful. For all the chaos that President Trump is causing with his tariffs, he has instigated face-to-face conversations as he seeks resets. Key players are sitting down around tables - yes, to untangle the trade knots which Trump tied, but this whole episode has pulled foes together around the same table; it has forced relationships and maybe mutual understanding. That's useful. And for this next round, between superpowers, the UK is the host. Also useful.