Saiyed family buried together on 9th day of tragedy
The Saiyed family came to India from England and was returning with their daughter after celebrating the festival of Eid-ul-Adha with family members. All four — Inayat Ali Saiyed, his wife Nafeesabanu, daughter Taskin, and son Vaqi Ali — became victims of a tragic plane crash a couple of hours after family members in Ahmedabad went to the airport for a sendoff. The Saiyed family, consisting of six brothers who live together in one building in the Khanpur area, waited for nine days before all of them were identified after the DNA match, allowing them to bury their dear ones.
Inayat's eldest brother, Badesaab Saiyed, said that three bodies were identified two days ago, but Nafeesabanu's DNA matched on Saturday. "It was a feeling of our family members that we should bury all four members together, and therefore we waited for two more days," he said after returning from the burial at the Musa Suhag graveyard.
Inayat and his wife lived in Wembley for 19 years. Their son, Vaqi, shifted to England a few years ago after completing his schooling. Taskin joined her parents in the UK to begin a new chapter in her life. She completed her MBBS from the NHL Medical College in Ahmedabad. Her uncle said that she cleared the Professional and Linguistic Assessments Board (PLAB) exam conducted by the General Medical Council and became eligible to practice medicine in England.
"She planned to pursue her postgraduation in the UK only. But she was supposed to join a hospital as a doctor there after 15 days. That is why she joined her parents," he said.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
2 days ago
- First Post
Pakistan: Protest against counter-terror ops turns deadly in KPK as 3 killed in firing by gunmen
Three people were killed and several injured after gunmen opened fire on a protest in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Locals were demonstrating against counter-terror operations following a girl's death in a mortar strike. read more Unknown gunmen opened fire on a protest in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province on Sunday, killing three people and injuring several others, news agency PTI reported, citing officials. The demonstrations were staged against ongoing counter-terrorism operations in the region. The protest erupted in the Tirah Valley after a young girl was killed a day earlier in a mortar attack in Zakha Khel, located in Khyber District. In response, angry locals gathered and placed the girl's body outside the Momand Ghuz security checkpoint to demand accountability. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Suhail Afridi, special assistant to the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief minister, confirmed that the protesters were fired upon by terrorists, leaving three people dead and eight injured. Pak's deep-rooted security challenge Terrorism remains a major security threat in Pakistan, particularly in the provinces of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Ironically, while Pakistan presents itself internationally as a victim of terrorism, it has long been accused of supporting extremist groups like Jaish-e-Mohammed and Lashkar-e-Taiba, especially in their operations against India. Military operations and human rights concerns Inside its borders, Pakistan has waged several large-scale military operations—such as Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad—to dismantle militant networks. Yet groups like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Islamic State (IS) affiliates, and Baloch separatist outfits remain active, frequently targeting civilians, security forces, and critical infrastructure. The state's heavy-handed counter-terror tactics have led to serious human rights abuses, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and unlawful detentions. These actions have deepened mistrust among citizens and eroded confidence in the rule of law. Persistent militancy and regional hotspots The tribal belt near the Afghan border continues to be a hub of militant activity. Meanwhile, Balochistan has witnessed an uptick in violence, often directed at Chinese projects tied to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Though urban centers like Karachi and Lahore have seen a relative decline in attacks, the threat of sleeper cells and lone-wolf actors remains. Worsening rights crisis in Balochistan In Balochistan, the security situation is compounded by long-standing grievances over political marginalisation and economic exploitation. The region has become a focal point of allegations regarding systemic human rights violations, particularly targeting students, activists, and political dissenters. Human rights watchdogs, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have documented repeated cases of torture, arbitrary arrests, and extrajudicial killings—often attributed to state agencies operating without accountability. Enforced disappearances and public outrage Families of the disappeared frequently organise sit-ins and protests, displaying photographs of their missing loved ones and demanding justice. Thousands of cases have been reported to Pakistan's Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances, with Balochistan accounting for a disproportionate share. However, few have been resolved, and the perpetrators rarely face consequences. Suppressing dissent through fear Activists argue that these disappearances are part of a broader strategy to suppress the Baloch nationalist movement and silence dissent against controversial state-led projects like CPEC. The lack of judicial oversight, transparency, and accountability has only widened the trust deficit between the Baloch people and the federal government—fuelling further instability in an already volatile region.
The Print
2 days ago
- The Print
A year after Bangladesh's Monsoon Revolution, a parched summer looms ahead
Even as Bangladesh prepares to mark the first anniversary of the so-called Monsoon Revolution — the violent rebellion that forced former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed to flee the country — disquiet is mounting over the legacy of those dramatic events. The de facto Prime Minister, Chief Advisor Mohammad Yunus, has announced that elections will be held in April. But no one knows for sure if this will halt the country's descent into chaos and the disintegration of its multicultural ethos. 'The doors of hell were forced wide open,' the elderly Saraswati Sarkar recalled to a team of jurists , 'They chased women, children, men like ferocious, blind, and passionate brutes, hungry for blood and murder, and the flesh of women.' Truckloads of dead bodies were driven past Nitaiganj, Kshirodi Bala Dasi later remembered , to be tossed into the river Lakha, not far from the Isphani Jute Mills. Vultures, kites, and crows gorged themselves through the day as the bodies rotted; at night, jackals would gather to feast. There was no one left to help. The few local Hindus who had escaped the massacres had fled into the woods, leaving behind their burned-down homes. Finding drinking water was almost impossible: the river stank of death for weeks, until the end of 1964. Large-scale mob violence, journalists Arafat Rahaman and Sajjad Hossain write, has claimed 179 lives in the last ten months, often in the presence of police. The victims include politicians, members of religious minorities, women accused of dressing improperly, purported blasphemers, and, in one case, a person suffering from psychiatric illness. Women's football matches have had to be cancelled due to mob threats, Hindu shrines have been vandalised, and national monuments, like founding patriarch Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman's home, burned down. Islamist groups, meanwhile, are growing in power. The Jamaat-e-Islami, proscribed under Prime Minister Hasina for its role in war crimes during 1971, has cashed in on the anti-establishment, populist sentiments that drove last year's youth protests. The release of cleric Jashimuddin Rahmani, an al-Qaeda-inspired ideologue who preached violence online, has given renewed space to jihadist groups such as Ansarullah Bangla Team, Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, and Hizb ut-Tahrir. To end the chaos, a political outcome is needed, one that is inclusive and empowers the institutions of governance. But former Prime Minister Hasina's Awami League has been banned, leaving a substantial section of Bangladesh's voters without representation in the April elections. The party had previously been proscribed three times — by Field Marshal Ayub Khan in 1958, General Yahya Khan in 1971, and General Ziaur Rahman in 1975. Little imagination is needed to see that the fascist impulses that overpowered Bangladesh in 1964—just seven years before the Liberation War, which cast it as a hero of secular-democratic politics—could be unleashed, should a genuine restoration of democracy prove illusory. A million and a half refugees came to India in 1950; more than 6,00,000 in 1951-52; another 1.6 million between 1953 and 1956. Largely landless Muslims also streamed into the east, but didn't leave behind properties that could be used for rehabilitation. India considered using its military to seize territory in Khulna and Jessore, historian Pallavi Raghavan has written, but concluded that war would mean even more refugees. The 1964 killings, however, sparked a ferocious communal response in India, with 264 people reported killed in Kolkata alone. Also read: Coup rumours are circulating in Dhaka. Here's why the army isn't keen on it Fragmenting democracy The road to disillusionment has been a short one for Bangladeshis. In 1990, a mass uprising—involving future Prime Ministers Hasina and her Bangladesh Nationalist Party rival Khaleda Zia—overthrew military dictator Husain Muhammad Ershad. Elections saw Prime Minister Khaleda take power, beginning what scholar Ali Riaz, now an advisor to Yunus, has called the country's new democratic era. Five years later, Khaleda peacefully conceded power when the Awami League won the next election. From the outset, though, there were cracks in the new system. First, as Riaz notes, both major parties discarded the allies who had backed them during the struggle against General Ershad. This narrowed the reach of the political system. Second, both parties launched mass movements against the government while in opposition, undermining its legitimacy. Khaleda's victory in 2001 created new imbalances. Although the electoral margin was razor-thin, the first-past-the-post system gave the BNP a substantial majority in Parliament. Hasina alleged electoral fraud and initially refused to join the new Parliament. Her MPs later took their oaths, but in 2006, the parties deadlocked over appointing a caretaker government to supervise elections. In early 2007, the Awami League announced it would boycott the polls. Faced with this impasse—and widespread street violence that left dozens dead—the military stepped in. Army chief General Moeen Ahmed persuaded the President to declare a state of Emergency. Former World Bank official Fakhruddin Ahmed took charge as Chief cases were filed against both Zia and Hasina in what was initially hailed as a campaign to clean up the country's system. Islamist rise Two principal forces benefitted from this democratic collapse. First was the Jamaat-e-Islami, heir to the Pakistan Army's war crimes in 1971. During 2001-2005, scholar Devin Hagerty notes, the Jama'at leveraged its 18 MPs to secure control over the ministries of agriculture and social welfare. This, together with remittances from supporters in the Middle East, allowed it to set up a massive network of seminaries, economic institutions, and welfare organisations. For all practical purposes, the Jama'at became 'a state within a state.' Islamists outside the political mainstream also flourished. Closely linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba and al-Qaeda, the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh drew hundreds of recruits from Salafist seminaries. In August 2005, the group set off an estimated 500 bomb explosions, targeting 300 locations in 63 of the country's 64 districts. The organisation's hopes of setting up an Islamist mini-state were crushed by security forces, but it laid the foundation for persistent threats to Bangladesh, as well as India. Hizb-ut-Tahrir, led by diaspora elements in the United Kingdom, brought caliphate ideology to elite campuses. The al-Qaeda-affiliated Ansarullah Bangla Team later began assassinating progressive activists. The new authoritarianism After returning to power post-Emergency, Prime Minister Hasina built an order designed to insulate her regime from political and security threats. The Awami League cracked down on BNP street protests, jailed opposition leaders, and used force ahead of the 2014 elections. For the most part, judicial independence was erased through political control of appointments and threats. The caretaker governance system, established in 1996 to ensure impartial elections, was abolished in 2011. To insulate itself from jihadist and Jamaat-e-Islami attacks, Hasina's government allied with Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, a movement of clerics and madrasa students. Hefazat's demands included Islamic language in the Constitution, gender segregation in public spaces, and capital punishment for blasphemy — eating into Jamaat's traditional support base. The Awami League's strategy to crush the opposition worked in 2018 and again in 2024. But in July, what began as a student protest against job quotas evolved into a mass movement to oust Hasina and her increasingly authoritarian regime. The government responded with violence. Eventually, fearing the cracking of the country's social edifice as well as state, the army forced Hasina out. For the upcoming elections to matter, they must mark the beginning of an inclusive political revival and the rebuilding of a multicultural society. There is no roadmap, but there are plenty of reminders of what failure will look like. Eleven hundred people were killed in East Pakistan in 1964, official estimates say. An American Peace Corps nurse counted 600 bodies at a single hospital in Dhaka. Each of those bodies is a reminder that Bangladesh's Arab Spring could all too easily give way to a long, parched summer. Praveen Swami is contributing editor at ThePrint. He tweets with @praveenswami. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)
The Print
3 days ago
- The Print
Maharashtra's cattle trade comes to near standstill as traders allege ‘free rein' to gau rakshaks
But it has been getting worse with each passing year, especially during Bakra-Eid, they say. Shaikh comes from the Qureshi community. An estimated 2 lakh members of the community, who are part of the cattle trade in Maharashtra, have been on a strike since the start of July to protest harassment by cow vigilantes. The harassment, which can easily spiral into physical assault, has become a part and parcel of their profession over the past decade, since the passage of Maharashtra Animal Preservation (Amendment) Act, 2015. Mumbai: Hamid Shaikh is a licensed cattle trader and was on his way to sell a buffalo and three bulls. It would fetch him Rs 1.5 lakh, he hoped. But the 55-year-old returned home with bruises all over his body, no livestock and no money. 'Cow vigilantes stopped our truck and said we were taking these animals for slaughter which was not the case,' Shaikh told ThePrint about the incident from about three weeks ago. For instance, in Hamid Shaikh's case, he said he 'bought them (livestock) from Pachod (near Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar) market a few days ago and was taking them to Ch. Sambhajinagar (Aurangabad) market for selling them'. 'I have all proper documentation for animals. Despite that, they took away my animals. They slapped me twice. I told them to not hit me since I had a bypass (surgery), but they still hit me. I was scared,' he added. Imran Babu Qureshi, national vice-president of All India Jamaitul Qureshi, told ThePrint that members of the community decided to go on strike 'because there is no response' from either the state government or police. 'There is an increase in incidents of cow vigilantes hitting our drivers, traders. That is the reason we have called this bandh.' In March 2015, the BJP-Shiv Sena government led by Devendra Fadnavis banned sale, possession and consumption of beef by amending the Maharashtra Animal Preservation Act, 1976, which allowed slaughter of old bulls and bullocks with permission from civic authorities. The amendment brought about a complete ban on slaughter of cows and their progeny, bulls and bullocks. It allowed slaughter of buffaloes subject to certain conditions. On 15 July this year, the All India Jamiatul Quresh (AIJQ), a union of cattle traders, met Maharashtra Minister of State (MoS) for Home Yogesh Kadam as well as Director-General of Police (DGP) Rashmi Shukla with a letter, seeking protection from gau rakshaks. They sent another letter on 24 July, demanding the police issue directions/orders as assured to them to make sure cattle traders are not harassed by cow vigilantes. 'We would also like to state that due to pressure of such unauthorized persons/vigilantes, the concerned police officers in various villages, tehsils and districts in the state are pressured to proceed to seize such transport vehicles and animals which otherwise are permitted to be transported. This creates further harassment and troubles on the transporter and the trader,' the Maharashtra AIJQ president wrote in this letter. Members of the Qureshi community are now planning to meet again next week to decide on a plan of action. When contacted, Yogesh Kadam confirmed to ThePrint that he met AIJQ representatives and told ThePrint that there are always two sides to a story. The minister said he had already assured action against those harassing cattle traders. 'During our meeting, I told them to follow all the rules required to conduct their business as many times the transporters do not have requisite documents. At the same time, I have assured action against those who were harassing them and also asked to share their details. I have not received any information from them yet,' Kadam told ThePrint. On 14 July, MoS Home (Rural) Prakash Bhoyar told the Legislative Council that the state government was thinking of bringing in a new law against beef smuggling and also planning to withdraw cases against gau rakshaks by way of a new law to protect cow progeny. Also Read: Fodder for thought: Modi govt's cow welfare agency has been headless for 4 yrs, Rs 500 cr lying idle 'Will die of hunger' In Maharashtra, the slaughter of bovine is prohibited, and a certificate from a veterinary is required to slaughter buffaloes. This certificate needs to specifically mention that the buffalo is 'unfit' for milking and is not pregnant. Most of the 292 livestock markets in Maharashtra are now closed, barring some in Pune and Mumbai. These attract those who want to sell or buy animals for slaughter, and also farmers and traders who want to buy or sell animals either for farming or dairy businesses. The state government last year gave 'Rajyamata' status to cows and also approved the animal husbandry department's proposal to provide Rs 50 daily subsidy per animal to cow shelter operators. Members of the Qureshi community ThePrint spoke to say approximately 300-500 animals are traded at every market, each costing anywhere between Rs 10,000 to over a lakh, depending on the size, age and the fitness of the animal. They add that harassment of cattle traders at the hands of cow vigilantes has been steadily rising since the passage of the 2015 legislation. 'There is a lot of hooliganism in the name of gau raksha in the state. The police are not cooperating with us. We are all very scared. Markets used to be full of animals but everything is closed now. We are suffering huge economic losses as well,' said Aziz Qureshi, Nanded district coordinator, AIJQ. 'About 50,000 people from our community are in this trade in the entire district. They are saying we will die of hunger but think twice before going back into the trade,' he added. Community members said the bandh started about a month ago with the Nagpur market and slowly spread across the state. They also alleged that while police do not register their complaints, FIRs are filed against members of the Qureshi community instead. Asked to comment on these allegations, minister Kadam said, 'I told them to tell me which particular area they are facing issues with. Won't be happening all over Maharashtra. So they need to give me a particular area or organisation troubling them. I will make sure that I tell the police to act accordingly. But except for the letter, I haven't received any official complaint. If need be, we will talk to them again.' The Qureshi community is demanding strict action against vigilantes/extortionists and proper implementation of the provisions of sections 6 and 8 of the Maharashtra Animal Preservation Act, 1976, and the Transport of Animal Rules, 1978. Another allegation is that the animals gau rakshaks confiscate are taken to 'gaushalas' (cow shelters) operated by the government. Cattle trader Moinuddin Qureshi alleged his truck containing seven buffaloes was taken away by gau rakshaks on 6 June and an FIR was registered against him and the truck driver. ThePrint has seen a copy of the FIR. The animals were later sent to a gaushala while the police investigated the matter and found nothing suspicious, he said. According to Moinuddin, the police then wrote to the gaushala saying that 'during the investigation, we found that Qureshi has all the documentation including fitness certificate for the buffaloes' and that the complaint was made out of a 'misunderstanding'. ThePrint has seen a copy of the letter. However, Moinuddin is yet to get his livestock back. 'In fact, now the gaushala has gone to local court against us and refusing to give us our animals … Everything is legal, we have the documents but only because of our religion, we are being harassed.' Other cattle traders too said once the animals are sent to the local gaushala, it is very difficult to recover them. 'Behind every animal, the government gives a certain amount for nourishment of these animals at the gaushalas. But when our farmers and traders are trying to get back the animals from gaushalas, they are not there. So where did our animals go? Where are they taking them?' asked AIJQ acting president Javed Qureshi. Shaikh agreed. He was told his animals were taken to Badnapur gaushala. 'But even two days back when I went there, I did not see my animals there. Don't know where they are. I might never get them back now.' (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: BJP's 'cow protection brigade' gets official stamp in new animal husbandry ministry
