Naidu, Jagan mourn death of veteran Communist leader V.S. Achuthanandan
YSR Congress Party president and former Chief Minister Y. S. Jagan Mohan Reddy also conveyed his sorrow over the demise of the prominent Communist leader. He noted that Kerala's political landscape had lost a great statesman with Achuthanandan's passing. Jagan Mohan Reddy highlighted the veteran leader's courage, commitment, and deep connection with the people, saying these qualities would be remembered forever. He extended heartfelt sympathies to the bereaved family and admirers and prayed for peace to the departed soul.
The Andhra Pradesh State Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expressed deep sorrow over the veteran leader's demise. Achuthanandan passed away at a hospital in Thiruvananthapuram on Monday due to age-related ailments. He was 101.
In a condolence message, the party State Secretary V. Srinivasa Rao conveyed sympathies on behalf of the party and instructed all party offices in the State to lower flags as a mark of respect. He described Achuthanandan as a towering figure in India's Communist movement, who joined the party at the age of 17 and played a crucial role in the land reform struggles under the leadership of Comrade Krishna Pillai. Achuthanandan led several key workers' and farm labourers' movements and was instrumental in shaping the growth of the Communist Party in Kerala. Remembering him as a humble leader devoted to the cause of social justice, Mr. Rao said his death is an irreparable loss to the Communist movement and the people at large.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Print
2 hours ago
- The Print
Age did not mellow Achuthanandan's spirit. When Left veteran slammed Rahul Gandhi as ‘Amul baby'
Rising from a working class background in Alappuzha's Punnapra, Achuthanandan had to give up on school education in the seventh grade, when his father passed away. He began assisting his elder brother in a cloth shop and, by the time the Second World War broke out in 1939, a young Achuthanandan was a factory worker at Aspinwall Company. With the socio-political events of the day significantly influencing him, VS took membership of the Travancore State Congress then. Communist stalwart and former Kerala chief minister, Velikkakathu Sankaran Achuthanandan, or simply VS, passed away at the ripe old age of 101, on 21 July. A recounting of his political career would also be a brief chronicle of Kerala's political history, or at least one-half of it. Thiruvananthapuram: In the early to mid-2000s, the chant 'Kanne Karale VS-se' (VS, our beloved) was heard wherever went. People couldn't get enough of the veteran Marxist in an era when the news channels were nascent. The defining moment of Achuthanandan's eight decade-long political career was his reinvention from a dour apparatchik to a mass leader at the turn of the millennium. However, VS would soon be enchanted with the Communist ideology. At the age of 17 in 1940, he was recruited to the Communist Party of India (CPI) by taluk secretary Simon. In 1943, after attending the first state conference of the CPI, VS came under the tutelage of comrade Pillai, who convinced him to plunge full time into the Communist movement. As a rookie, VS was tasked with setting up communist party units in Kuttanad, and he returned to Alappuzha only after successfully accomplishing that. His role in the 1946 Punnapra-Vayalar uprising remains contested. Notwithstanding that, VS rose through the ranks to become the CPI's youngest district secretary in 1956. He played an instrumental role in the victory of the CPI in the first election held in Kerala in 1957. Com. V.S. Achuthanandan was a rare breed of a leader: From the ranks of manual coir workers of Alleppey he rose to become the CM of Kerala. His was a lifelong struggle for social justice, labour rights and land reforms. He is one of the key architects of egalitarian Kerala. — Thomas Isaac (@drthomasisaac) July 22, 2025 Achuthanandan was among the 32 leaders to walk out of the CPI national council in 1964 to become a founder-member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI (M). His electoral debut from Ambalappuzha in 1965 ended in defeat. He went on to taste success in the following two elections in 1967 and 1970 from the same constituency, even if he lost in 1977. When became the CPI (M)'s pick for chief ministership in 1980, Achuthanandan succeeded him as the state secretary, holding on to it until 1992. As secretary, VS was a stickler for rules and held the party together with when rising star put forth the alternate document in 1985—leading to the Kannur strongman's expulsion. VS versus EMS Achuthanandan's ideological clarity meant that when Namboodiripad came around to Raghavan's view on doing business with parties such as Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and the Church-backed Kerala Congress, he steadfastly held on to it. This was even after he narrowly missed out on being the chief minister in 1991 when Nayanar called for early elections to coincide with the Lok Sabha polls. A consensus was reached to switch the roles of Nayanar and Achuthanandan beforehand. The CPI (M)'s overconfidence was driven by its sweep of the district council polls, but Rajiv Gandhi's assassination swung that election in favour of the Congress. VS always found himself at one end of the factionalism in the Kerala unit of the CPI (M) that took root in the early nineties and ebbed and flowed until 2016. It was Achuthanandan's loss to Nayanar by two votes in the 1991 CPI (M) state conference in Kozhikode that served as a trigger for factionalism to initiate in the Kerala unit of the CPI (M). While the Cold War officially ended in 1991, another sort of war was brewing between VS and Namboodiripad in Kerala. Even before he officially stood down as the CPI (M) general secretary in 1992, Namboodiripad shifted from New Delhi to Thiruvananthapuram. This created a new power centre and that made VS uneasy, as recounted by Communist ideologue and senior journalist 'Berlin' Kunhanandan Nair, in his memoir 'Polichezhuthu'. In fact, the loss of Achuthanandan to Nayanar as state secretary was orchestrated by Namboodiripad himself. EMS suggested a couple of changes to the official panel put forth by VS, and that ensured that he lost the majority in the committee. A bitter Achuthanandan tried to get even by handing over a letter to which read like a charge sheet against Namboodiripad, as recounted by the then Left convener in his recently-published autobiography, 'Ormacheppu Thurakkumbol'. VS continued to stand firm against the entry of the IUML-splinter Indian National League, even as Namboodiripad was all for it. VS tried to get back at the powerful 'CITU lobby' backing Namboodiripad in the CPI (M) state conference in 1995. VS fielded 14 'rebels' against the official panel, but that operation didn't go entirely according to his script. Lawrence, who led the 'CITU lobby', managed to make the state committee by a solitary vote, and that too following a recount, as narrated in his memoir. Also Read: A Kerala bellwether is voting. Why CM Pinarayi Vijayan has staked all in Nilambur Mararikulam loss & Vetti-nirathal All these factors contributed to Achuthanandan's shock loss in Mararikulam in 1996, which thwarted his second shot at chief ministership. In the ensuing CPI (M) state committee, Namboodripad and the CITU faction backed Susheela Gopalan as chief minister. However, VS combined with the 'Kannur lobby' to orchestrate Nayanar's ascension, assisted by Pinarayi Vijayan. But that was hardly a consolation for Achuthanandan, who vowed to decimate the CITU faction. A showdown was set for the CPI (M) state conference in 1998. Vetti-nirathal (slaughter)–that's how most vernacular dailies of Kerala described the events that transpired at Palakkad. The term 'vetti-nirathal' owed its origin to the anti-reclamation stir launched by the Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali Union—the CPI (M)'s farm workers' outfit—under Achuthanandan's leadership at Kuttanad in 1996-97. The modus operandi involved Marxist cadres going berserk destroying plantain and tapioca crops at will in farms. The CITU faction was almost entirely culled from the CPI (M) state committee in Palakkad, leading to the losses of veterans Lawrence, and among others. Namboodiripad took it up with the central leadership, although he passed away in 1998 before the 16th Party Congress that year in Calcutta. Achuthanandan took over as Left Convener when a humiliated Lawrence stepped down, and his clout within the CPI (M) was at its peak at this point. Recasting anew In 2001, the Congress made a comeback, and VS took over as Leader of Opposition (LoP) for a second time. Even before that his loyalists zeroed in on Malampuzha as a safe seat for the veteran. The chant 'Kanne Karale VS-se' (VS, our eye-liver-kidney) made its debut during this campaign. The 78-year-old underwent a complete change of image now, resonating with a fresh generation of voters. Achuthanandan was particularly vocal on gender issues, rights of the marginalised and environment. His anti-corruption crusade complemented it further. Not since earned the sobriquet 'Pavangalude Padathalavan' (leader of the poor masses) had a communist leader endeared himself to Kerala's public so much. However, this phase heralded Achuthanadan's bitter rivalry with Vijayan, who became another power centre after assuming the role of state secretary in 1998. The next episode in factionalism tumbled out in public during the Kannur state conference in 2002. This manifested as a clash of ideologies between the Marxist-Leninist ideals represented by VS and the revisionist line of Vijayan. This phase witnessed another realignment within the CPI (M) unit as VS made truce with a weakened CITU faction for outmanoeuvring Vijayan. Ahead of the Malappuram state conference in 2005, Achuthanandan was supremely confident of replacing Vijayan with his nominee as state secretary, but that was not to be. Many leaders who professed loyalty to VS switched camps overnight and it was the veteran's turn to be vanquished. He, however, still held sway over the party in districts like Ernakulam, Pathanamthitta, Kasaragod and Palakkad, even if Alappuzha and Idukki came under Vijayan's grasp. His humiliation at the state conference only bolstered his image in public. A section of Kerala's media, inadvertently or otherwise, played a role in elevating VS as a paragon of virtues, casting Vijayan as the villain of the piece. Vijayan's arrogant ways did not help his cause either, and this gradually built up to the showdown in 2006 when VS was denied a seat. By then Vijayan had a firm ally in CPI (M) general secretary Prakash Karat. In an impromptu expression of solidarity, Marxist cadres took to the streets demanding that VS be fielded. The huge public outcry and fear of electoral setback forced CPI (M)'s hand and the politburo met to overturn the decision. Achuthanandan was instrumental in getting the central leadership to veto Vijayan's proposal to ally with the Democratic Indira Congress ahead of that election. Notwithstanding that, the Left's victory in 2006, registering almost 50 percent vote share, was its most authoritative since 1967. Vijayan attempted to thwart Achuthanandan's chief ministership even after the historical win by putting forth the name of Left convener Paloli Muhammed Kutty instead. But, the central leadership backed VS for the post that he missed twice. That didn't prevent the state unit under Vijayan from clipping the wings of VS, first by taking the home portfolio away from him and reposing it with the former's trusted loyalist, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan. Even the Vigilance portfolio was also taken away on account of fears that he would settle scores. The party under Vijayan kept the CM on a short leash, even controlling the day-to-day functioning of the government. VS could not even nominate his loyalists as private secretary, and any government file was within Vijayan's reach. That did not prevent him from running an efficient administration, and the term was marked by significant legislations of the kind the Left hadn't undertaken since the '80s, including the Kerala Conservation of Paddy Land and Wetland Act, 2008, a logical conclusion to Achuthanandan-initiated aforementioned Vetti-nirathal. Meanwhile, factionalism was at its peak after the Kottayam state conference in 2008 when Vijayan at the concluding event shouted at the cadres 'to not behave as if Usha Uthup's music show was underway', visibly peeved at the sloganeering in favour of VS. Also Read: Now at steering wheel, MA Baby has to navigate the believers' road, Pinarayi's grip on CPI(M) Denial of mandate in 2011 At the height of factionalism in 2009, VS snubbed the Vijayan-led Nava Kerala March preceding the Lok Sabha elections, until the concluding event held in Thiruvananthapuram. Vijayan's jibe at VS by likening him to a bucket of water unlike the waves formed in the ocean, was a sharp rejoinder to the veteran. Achuthanandan hit back at Vijayan by drawing comparison with Mikhail Gorbachev and the revisionist practices leading to the Soviet Union's fall. When VS publicly disowned Vijayan on the SNC-Lavalin case–going against the state committee's decision to back Vijayan–it was deemed breach of party discipline, resulting in his removal from the CPI (M) politburo in 2009. Vijayan was spared of any action, with Karat backing the Kannur strongman all the way. Achuthanandan was never reinstated to the CPI (M)'s highest body. According to the likes of N. Venu, who floated the splinter Revolutionary Marxist Party (RMP) along with in 2008, VS was flirting with the idea of splitting the party during this phase. This has also been echoed by the likes of Nair and others who willed VS to chart a new course, but it was a bridge too far for the veteran who bent the rules never to break them. There were overtures also from the CPI but Achuthanandan was always careful of his legacy. VS saw how the likes of and Raghavan faded to relative insignificance after charting independent courses. In 2011, the Achuthanandan government lost the Kerala elections by a wafer-thin margin of 68-72. There have been covert and overt barbs of internal sabotage aimed at Vijayan for that outcome since then, most recently when Achuthanandan's ministerial colleague conveyed it through a poem in Kalakaumudi weekly. Achuthanandan got a third term as the LoP, lasting until 2016. His final term as Kerala LoP was no less eventful. The brutal hacking of RMP's Chandrasekharan, a VS loyalist, in 2012 further widened the rift with Vijayan. When the media sought his comment following the dastardly attack on Chandrasekharan, Vijayan doubled down by stating that 'a traitor is always a traitor'. Notwithstanding the party's embargo on visiting the slain leader's home, VS called on Chandrasekharan's widow (now, the MLA from Vadakara) and consoled her under the glare of television cameras. That day, 6 June, was a crucial one, as a by-election was underway in Neyyattinkara. VS described Chandrasekharan as a 'courageous communist', unlike Vijayan's inhuman remark. By the time the 2014 Lok Sabha election got underway, the dissipation of the VS faction in the Kerala unit was complete, and the Alappuzha state conference in 2015 saw Vijayan's domination peak. Walk-out from Alappuzha conference When a charge sheet listing Achuthananthan's transgressions was read out by Vijayan while presenting the organisational report, and a number of delegates spoke out against the Marxist veteran in a seemingly orchestrated exercise, VS left the venue in a huff. He did not return, even after Kodiyeri Balakrishnan–who took over as state secretary in 2015–tried damage control by sending former loyalists and Pillai as emissaries, to pacify him. Many saw it as symbolic of the parting of ways, but the veteran knew that he wasn't expendable for the CPI (M) until the 2016 election was won. It also helped that Sitaram Yechury, who always had a soft corner for VS, replaced Karat as the party general secretary. In 2016, VS led the Left electoral campaign. The party used the 92-year-old as its mascot and, in a way, it was his way of paying back the CPI (M). Fittingly, the Left front registered a resounding 91-seat victory in the 140-member Kerala Assembly. His aura suffered a jolt when television cameras caught him handing over a note to Yechury at the swearing-in of Vijayan demanding his rehabilitation as chairperson of the Administrative Council with Cabinet rank. The appointment of his son Kumar as assistant director of The Institute of Human Resources Development (IHRD) during his term as CM was another instance of the veteran failing to walk his lofty talk. Achuthanandan faded out from the public within a year of Vijayan's first term, even if he had promised to play the role of a Kavalal, or guard, in 2016. He wasn't keeping good health and did not campaign in 2019. The stroke VS suffered in 2020 along with the onset of Covid meant that he remained completely cut off from Kerala's public sphere. Single-minded pursuit, vengeance Achuthananthan never adopted a quid pro quo approach to political rivals, and was non-compromising in that respect. The antipathy did not necessarily affect personal equations, but he took the legal route to seek convictions in corruption cases. It was his personal crusade that ensured the conviction of Kerala Congress stalwart R. Balakrishna Pillai in the Edamalayar case, which, to this date, remains the only conviction of a Kerala politician in a corruption case. Former Kerala police chief Jacob Punnoose once revealed how Achuthanandan issued a verbal order to the then Crime Branch chief Vinson to arrest IUML's in the Ice-cream parlour scandal on the eve of the 2011 election. Paul had refused to carry out the order pending a written order from the CM. Like Chanakya's vow of vengeance, VS was known to exact vengeance on his rivals. He was as much a practitioner of realpolitik in the '80s and '90s as Pinarayi Vijayan is today. Apart from the infamous culling of the CITU faction, the way he dealt with even minor acts of defiance or indiscipline as state secretary would not tally with the public image that he is bestowed with today. CPI (M) stalwarts Pillai, A.P. Kurian, and even EMS Namboodiripad found themselves at the receiving end of Achuthanandan's disciplinary sword. It may not have led to political murders, but that is probably because VS hailed from Alappuzha and not Kannur. Achuthanandan was renowned for tit-for-tat political retorts. When Rahul Gandhi raked up his advanced age in the 2011 poll campaign, VS hit back at the Gandhi scion by dubbing him an 'Amul baby'. His war of words with Vijayan ran like a political soap opera for a decade. A theatrical orator, Achuthanandan had an electrifying effect on the audience. People came from far and wide to listen to his speeches. He had developed a distinct style of modulating words and sentences, which he attributed to his legacy of interactions with farm workers in Kuttanad. At the height of factionalism, even leaders firmly aligned to the Vijayan camp sought him out for their electoral campaigns. VS was a hero of the working class—unlike EMS Namboodiripad, born landlord calling himself the 'adopted son of the working class', or Vijayan, described by 'Berlin' Kunhanandan Nair as the 'adopted son of the capitalist class'. His reinvention from a hardliner to a mass leader to become a popular chief minister will always remain his abiding memory. Some politicians live long enough to become a villain or to witness their hard-earned legacy tarnished. In Achuthanandan's case, it may not be far-fetched to surmise that he hung around long enough to have political sainthood conferred upon him. (Edited by Tony Rai) Also Read: Nilambur isn't Kerala. UDF must look beyond Muslim votes to win 2026 polls
The Wire
7 hours ago
- The Wire
'This is Not Patriotism': Bombay HC Rejects CPI(M)'s Plea For Permission to Protest Against Gaza Genocide
Law The Wire Staff The bench also stated that the foreign policy of the country differs from the stance the party has taken and warned it of potential diplomatic consequences of such protests. New Delhi: The Bombay high court on Friday (July 25) dismissed a petition filed by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) challenging the Mumbai Police's refusal to grant permission for a protest in solidarity with Palestinians, Bar and Bench reported. The protest was supposed to be held at Azad Maidan, an open ground in Mumbai known for its role in the freedom struggle. A bench of Justices Ravindra Ghuge and Gautam Ankhad, rejected the CPI(M)'s petition, observing that the party should look at its own country instead of focusing on issues thousands of miles away. 'Our country has enough issues. We don't want anything like this. I an sorry to say, you are all short-sighted. You are looking at issues in Gaza and Palestine. Look at your own country. Be patriots. This is not patriotism. People say they are patriots,' the court observed, as quoted in the report. The bench further observed that the party should take up civic issues in India. 'You are an organisation registered in India. If you could take up issues like garbage dumping, pollution, sewerage, flooding. We are just giving examples. You are not protesting on those but on something happening thousands of miles outside the country,' it said. According to the report, the bench also stated that the foreign policy of the country differs from the stance the party has taken and warned it of potential diplomatic consequences of such protests. 'You don't know the dust it could kick up... getting on to the Palestine side or the Israel side. Why do you want to do this? It's obvious, going by the party you represent that you don't understand what this could do to the foreign affairs of the country,' the bench noted. However, a similar protest took place in December last year where hundreds of protesters, including far-right groups like the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), had gathered outside the Bangladesh deputy high commission in Mumbai demanding the release of ISKCON priest Chinmoy Krishna Das, who was detained in the neighbouring country. 'Over 500 people, including sadhus, saints, and members of the public, participated in the demonstration,' VHP national spokesperson had told The Hindu at the time, adding, 'The situation of Hindus in Bangladesh is alarming." Subsequently, a memorandum was submitted to the deputy high commissioner, highlighting the group's concerns. The memorandum condemned the arrest of the ISKCON priest, citing violation of democratic and religious freedoms. Many similar protests against the genocide in Gaza and in solidarity with Palestinians have been curtailed recently, several of which were met with police action and detention. On July 19, a peaceful demonstration at the computer market in Nehru Place, Delhi, in solidarity with Palestinians, when a huge group of right-wing people arrived at Nehru Place to oppose it and started threatening, harassing the participants and raising Hindutva slogans. The police, which was present throughout, asked the pro-Palestine people protesting peacefully to leave, saying, 'You do not have permission to protest here.' Israel's ongoing military offensive in Gaza since October 2023 has left close to 60,000 persons dead, as per health ministry numbers cited by Associated Press. Tel Aviv has also enforced a blockade on humanitarian aid, pushing Palestinians to starvation. The remaining population is now on the verge of famine. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres called out the international community for neglecting the suffering in Gaza, calling it a 'moral crisis that challenges the global conscience'. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
Economic Times
8 hours ago
- Economic Times
Thailand vs Cambodia: As border fight escalates, one army resembles a toy against the other's war machine; Military mismatch explained
Synopsis Recent armed clashes between Cambodia and Thailand, the worst in over a decade, have spotlighted their military disparity. Thailand, with a $5.73 billion defence budget and 360,000 personnel, dwarfs Cambodia's $1.3 billion budget and 124,300 troops. Thailand's air force boasts F-16 fighters, while Cambodia lacks fighter jets. Thailand vs Cambodia: One has fighter jets, the other doesn't, the military gap that could decide the clash Tensions that had been simmering for months between Cambodia and Thailand erupted into armed conflict on Thursday, the worst skirmish between the two Southeast Asian neighbours in over a decade. With even a Thai F-16 fighter jet reportedly deployed, the latest flare-up has reignited interest in how the two countries compare a breakdown of the military capabilities of Cambodia and Thailand, based on data from the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS). Cambodia maintains a defence budget of $1.3 billion and fields 124,300 active personnel. The Royal Cambodian Armed Forces, formed in 1993 through a merger of former Communist and resistance groups, rely heavily on ground troops. The Cambodian army consists of around 75,000 soldiers, supported by 200+ battle tanks and 480 artillery contrast, Thailand boasts a significantly larger and better-funded force. With a 2024 defence budget of $5.73 billion and over 360,000 active personnel, Thailand's military dwarfs its neighbour's. The Thai army alone has 245,000 personnel, including 115,000 conscripts, and is equipped with 400 tanks, 1,200+ armoured personnel carriers, and 2,600 artillery air force is relatively modest, just 1,500 personnel, 10 transport planes, and 10 helicopters. It doesn't operate any fighter jets. The most notable aircraft in its fleet include 16 multi-role helicopters, with six Soviet-era Mi-17s and 10 Chinese Z-9s. On the other hand, Thailand's air force is among the best equipped in the region. With 46,000 personnel, it commands 112 combat-capable aircraft, including 28 F-16 Fighting Falcons and 11 Swedish Gripens. Its arsenal also includes surveillance drones and a fleet of transport and attack helicopters, including several U.S.-made Black navy is modest, with 2,800 personnel (including 1,500 naval infantry), 13 patrol/coastal vessels, and a single amphibious landing navy is a maritime heavyweight by comparison. With nearly 70,000 personnel, it includes naval aviation, coastal defence units, marines, and conscripts. Its fleet features: 1 aircraft carrier 7 frigates 68 patrol and coastal vessels Amphibious ships and landing craft capable of transporting hundreds of troops Its marine corps alone has 23,000 troops, supported by armoured vehicles and aviation assets such as helicopters and UAVs. While Cambodia has made steady investments in its armed forces, it remains significantly outmatched by Thailand in terms of manpower, equipment, and budget. Thailand's position as a major non-NATO ally of the United States ensures access to high-end military hardware and training. Inputs from Reuters
