.png%3Fwidth%3D1200%26height%3D800%26crop%3D1200%3A800&w=3840&q=100)
‘We failed those who protected us': Independent readers react to UK's ‘shameful' MoD data breach
The leak, which occurred in February 2022, compromised sensitive information about applicants to the MoD's Arap resettlement scheme – a programme for Afghans who had supported British forces and now feared Taliban reprisals.
Officials launched a top-secret response, codenamed Operation Rubific, resulting in the covert evacuation of more than 16,000 people to the UK. The government was prepared to relocate up to 42,000 in total at a projected cost of £7bn.
The extraordinary cover-up meant MPs, the public and even many within Whitehall were kept in the dark.
A court battle led by The Independent and other media finally overturned the superinjunction this week, raising serious questions about transparency, accountability, and the treatment of those who risked their lives for Britain.
Reactions from readers have been swift and damning, touching on moral responsibility, government secrecy, institutional incompetence, and the human cost of this breach.
Many drew parallels with past scandals, while others demanded consequences and urgent reform.
Here's what you had to say:
Britain has a moral responsibility
It is an expensive programme, that is true, but the problem is a very big one. The whole thing was bungled from the start – remember Dominic Raab staying on his holiday in Crete while Kabul was being evacuated? And the nature of the leak is just incredible.
The billions this costs, spread out over several years, are desperately needed elsewhere, but as with the Gurkhas, Britain has a moral responsibility.
RegCostello
Strain
(i) 'Prioritisation of Ukrainian nationals' and (ii) 'drastically increased work-from-home arrangements for civil servants' were the main reasons given for the months-long consular waits for visas and passport processing in 2022 and 2023.
I wonder whether this massive evacuation from Afghanistan contributed to that strain, or whether it was all managed by a separate–and–covert department. Either way, covert or not, every resource has its limit, doesn't it?
Ever more freely and transparently may truths emerge!
IndySpannerPhones
Many are still in danger
Hopefully the Labour government will quickly step up the process of getting all to safety. It's been over a year, but many are still in danger.
The government needs to ensure that 10 per cent of evacuees do not end up homeless, as they suggested could be the case in October 2024.
PropagandaoftheDeed
A national shame
The way we treated these people who helped us at great risk is a national shame.
Albert Ginwallah
Corruption or shambles?
Hmmm... so Britain's security is more at risk from the government and MoD! Well, I for one am not surprised at all. And that goes for the cover-up and lies from successive governments! Look at the Post Office and Horizon, the blood contamination saga. Is it corruption or a shambles?
Red Dragon
Has the person been sacked?
My first question is: has the person who sent the email been sacked and prosecuted for breaching confidentiality as well as costing the country some £400m?
If not, why not?
TomHawk
Spare a thought for Afghan women
This was a chaotic Tory mess-up, as is traditional.
Against the scale of the issue, this ethical UK response is tiny. Spare a thought for the 450k Afghan refugee women forcibly repatriated from Iran and Pakistan since Jan 2025, who are instantly criminalised for travelling alone back to a medieval regime where women and girls have a value less than livestock.
Herbacious
Scandal after scandal
Is there anything the UK government can run?
Scandal after scandal after scandal. Billions upon billions p***** up the wall. A little bridge in a London park, £36 million?
Chichee
Let's have an expensive public inquiry
Wow – a government cover-up. That's a surprise.
Let's have an expensive public inquiry at the cost to us taxpayers that will last the next five years, with the familiar outcome stating lessons will be learnt…
Once that's out of the way, we can then promote the 'guilty' individuals to the House of Lords.
theSpycatcher
A get-out clause
A "superinjunction" is basically the get-out clause for despotic governments (or in the case of Britain, the rancid ruling class).
stonia
Keeping the public in the dark
How ironic that the British establishment invests huge efforts in keeping the public in the dark about so many things of public interest – and yet is incapable of protecting sensitive data when lives actually depend on it.
Danilov
How?
Data like this should never leave a secure government server. What on earth is it doing being emailed to random people and posted on Facebook?
And how do you 'inadvertently share' a file?
sj99
Incompetence should have consequences
Incompetence on such a massive scale should have consequences; otherwise, it sends the wrong message. It says: don't worry about being diligent, do what you like, it doesn't matter.
Sean
Shameful
As if the data breach itself wasn't appalling enough, the fact that this individual is still employed in another department at the MoD is absolutely shameful.
Cyclone8
Only in the UK public sector...
Where else but the UK public sector can someone do something that puts people's lives at risk and costs £400m to sort out, yet keep your job and your pension?
If there is any better illustration of how we are let down by our public sector, I can't think of it.
These days, our public sector is the refuge of those who should not be let loose with a broom, let alone handle sensitive matters.
TomHawk
We are failing to protect those we put at risk
Bloody shambles. We should have offered sanctuary to those who were at risk just because of who their former employer was – the MoD. While the news and politics are all about 'illegal immigrants, ' we are failing to protect those we put at risk. Shameful.
Snaughter
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Independent
17 minutes ago
- The Independent
Football supporters now have a bigger say in how their clubs are run
The Football Governance Act has officially become UK law after receiving royal assent, establishing an independent regulator for English football. This landmark legislation introduces a watchdog for the top five tiers of the men's game, aiming to ensure clubs are run sustainably and are accountable to their supporters. The new regulator will possess 'backstop' powers to impose financial settlements between the English Football League (EFL) and the Premier League if they fail to reach an agreement. The Act's journey to law was prompted by the attempted European Super League breakaway and numerous instances of clubs facing financial distress and mismanagement. Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy highlighted that the Act delivers on promises to fans, protecting cherished clubs and their vital role in communities.


The Independent
17 minutes ago
- The Independent
How realistic is Nigel Farage's promise to cut crime in half?
N igel Farage claims that he has a plan to 'cut crime in half, take back control of our streets, [and] take back control of our courts and prisons '. The Reform leader says that 'we are facing nothing short of societal collapse', wants to build emergency 'Nightingale prisons ' on Ministry of Defence land, and has semi-promised to send convicted murderer Ian Huntley to El Salvador (admittedly a bit of a vote winner). It's an ambitious package, but there are questions about its viability... Is Britain facing societal collapse? No. If it was, you wouldn't get back alive from the pub or be able to get petrol or bread. Is crime up? On some measures and in some places, against certain given periods of time, it is up; on other measures, it's down. The variations in the way crime is measured are one issue – it's risky to go by the number of crimes recorded by the police, because people will sometimes not bother to report them, especially the less serious matters, so statisticians treat these figures with caution. The other way of measuring crime rates, which should also be adjusted for changes in population, is by conducting surveys among the public – but not everything is included. Somewhat confusingly, Farage seems to think that the survey data is unreliable because people have given up telling the police about, for example, thefts that might affect their insurance. That doesn't make sense. Types of crime also necessarily change over time; there are very few thefts of car radios or bank blags these days, but there's massively more cybercrime and fraud. Even in London, described by Farage as 'lawless', not all crime is up; there's a long-term trend down in murder and rape, for example, and there are still plenty of tourists. So fact-checking any politician on the subject of crime is virtually impossible. All such claims need to be treated with the utmost care. What about the costings? Farage presented a 'costings sheet' that purports to show that the whole massive package – recruiting 30,000 more police, opening new 'custody suites', restoring magistrates' court operations, building prisons, paying rent for offenders deported to prisons in El Salvador or Estonia, and the rest – would come to £17.4bn over a five-year parliament: a mere £3.48bn per annum. The costings seem to be optimistic, based on some arbitrary assumptions such as always being able to cut costs to a minimum. They are not independently audited by, say, the Institute for Fiscal Studies – and if it were really all so cheap to do, the Tories and Labour would surely have taken the opportunity to transform the crime scene and turn Britain into a paradise long ago. As for funding even the admitted £17.4bn, there are no specific named savings elsewhere, just some recycled claims about the (contested) cost of net zero and the supposed economic miracle wrought in Argentina by President Milei. Probably not enough to calm the bond markets under a Farage government. Is the UK 'close to civil disobedience on a vast scale'? So Farage claims. His critics say that his 'I predict a riot' remarks tend to have a self-fulfilling quality to them, as seen in the 'Farage riots' in Southport and elsewhere a year ago. Essex Police, who are currently dealing with violent unrest in Epping – perpetrated by 'a few bad eggs', as Farage terms it – won't thank him for his comments. And the anecdotes? Uncheckable, just as Enoch Powell's were in the infamous 'rivers of blood' speech in 1968. We may never know whether, for example, a former army sergeant was denied a job as a police officer because the force was 'having trouble with its quotas' or for some other reason. Reform's tactics are also reminiscent of the Trump playbook, demonstrating an obsession with incarceration and policing by fear. If Farage could build a British Alligator Alcatraz on a disused RAF base in Suffolk, he probably would. But using grass snakes, presumably. Can Farage cut crime in half in five years? It feels implausible. If he could, then presumably he could abolish crime altogether if he were given a decade in office. The 'zero tolerance' approach sounds fine, but if the pledge that every shoplifting offence, every whiff of a spliff, and every trackable mobile phone theft has to be investigated is taken literally – as he seems to intend – then even 30,000 more officers wouldn't be sufficient, and the expanded court and prison system would collapse. Much the same goes for 'saturation' levels of policing deployed on stop-and-search exercises in high-knife-crime areas. Sending many more people to jail is also very costly, but, more to the point, the recent Gauke report explains why prison doesn't work and just makes everything worse. To get crime down under Reform UK, we'd need to turn the UK into a police state.


The Guardian
18 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Abolishing Ofwat is fine but not enough: teach water bosses that failure has consequences
In a bone dry summer, every drop of water counts. So, even though the rain is finally falling again now, it's still hard to take it for granted, or to ignore the way that everything in the countryside still feels unnervingly out of rhythm: earth too cracked, grass too bleached, wheat harvest being brought in too early, rivers too low – and, knowing what Thames Water has been pumping into them, water quite possibly too dirty to cool off in. In May, the company was fined £122.7m for the combined sins of sewage dumping and continuing to pay shareholder dividends despite its environmental failings. It responded by protesting that it might go bust if actually held accountable for its actions, a sentence that sums up everything people find infuriating about the water industry. Yet its resentful customers have no choice but to keep paying bills that are expected to rise by a third over the next five years – though Thames Water, inevitably, asked to be allowed to charge more – while wondering how we ever let a commodity this precious become so badly managed, heading into a volatile new era of summer drought and winter flood. Rivers, Jon Cunliffe notes in his newly published review of what a new Labour government should do about the water industry, are part of a country's national identity. There's a romance and a history to be preserved here, not just a life-giving water supply to be extracted or wildlife habitats to be protected. Being a neutral civil servant, what he doesn't explicitly add is that lately they have also come to symbolise corporate failure and decline of the public realm, but that too is part of the picture. Few will disagree with Cunliffe's verdict that the current regulator, Ofwat, isn't up to negotiating the complex trade-offs involved here, and that there should be a new watchdog, bringing together various powers currently scattered across Whitehall, with the ability to take control of failing water companies if needed. His ideas for increasing accountability, curbing excessive dividends and creating a new social tariff for those who can't afford to pay is welcome too. (Bills were kept too low for too long, the review concludes, meaning that when the inevitable hike came it was painfully sharp.) But that's the easy bit, compared with facing up to the consequences of chronic underinvestment by an industry that has in parts seemed quick to take the profits and slower to take responsibility. There will be outrage on the left that Cunliffe doesn't advocate nationalisation, though politically that idea was off the table before he started. (Labour said before the election that it wasn't keen to take water back into public ownership, and nothing about the fiscal hole in which it has since found itself has made the idea of spending billions on doing so more appealing: Cunliffe's terms of reference were set accordingly.) The review argues that ownership models are anyway something of a red herring – water is nationalised in Scotland but bathing water quality isn't much better there than it is south of the border, and while Welsh Water's not-for-profit model could be viable for some English companies, even that isn't necessarily a magic bullet. All of which may well be true, but might sound more convincing had ministers given him free rein to consider all the options equally. As it is, it's hardly his fault that this plan – which would still see water bills rising steeply to fund the investment in creaking infrastructure that everyone accepts is necessary – is the answer of the Treasury official he used to be, rather than of a politician. Where's the moral hazard, the price any private business should be forced to pay for failure, if in the end their customers just get stuck with the tab? It's not our fault if companies who were granted a monopoly back in 1989 over the supply of something humans literally can't live without still managed somehow to make a commercial hash of it. No wonder the water minister, Emma Hardy, will take the summer to decide exactly which of Cunliffe's recommendations Labour plans to accept. The dilemma this government finds itself in over water is, of course, not unique. It is part of a common thread now linking everything from welfare reform and the still unresolved problem of funding social care, to the momentous decisions on tax now facing Rachel Reeves in her autumn budget; that these are all expensive and deep-seated problems this government's predecessors repeatedly dodged or kicked down the road. And, although Labour's commitment to actually facing reality is admirable, it turns out there were good reasons everyone else chose to bravely run away. Years of ducking and diving have only magnified those problems, to the point where selling the kind of sacrifices now required to a reluctant public is almost impossible. Getting the future governance of the industry right is crucial, of course, but that's not the end of it. Thames Water should be allowed to fail, on the grounds that it has done nothing to deserve a taxpayer bailout, and if its lenders have to take a hit, well, them's the risks. Parliament should keep digging, investigating the historic failures of oversight that allowed us to get into this mess. But, somehow, ministers need to find a broader way of conveying that failure has consequences, and not just for the taxpayer. A harder rain needs to fall, not just into rapidly shrinking reservoirs, but on to some of those responsible for managing them. Gaby Hinsliff is a Guardian columnist