
Government urged to act as survey shows teachers want schools to be more secular
The survey, issued by Civica to members of the Irish National Teachers' Organisation (INTO), found that just 4 per cent of teachers think preparing students for sacraments should be the responsibility of primary schools.
Advertisement
The research, carried out on behalf of the largest teachers' union on the island, representing 45,000 primary school teachers in the Republic, indicated that 47 per cent believe the family should take responsibility, while 30 per cent said it should be the parish.
The 34-question survey collected data online from 1,049 respondents from January 8 to 17.
The vast majority (88 percent) said they taught in Catholic schools, 5 per cent in Educate Together, and 4 per cent in Church of Ireland schools.
A large majority (83 percent) said children in all schools should be taught about other religions, with just 9 per cent saying they should not.
Advertisement
63 per cent said primary school education should have secular patrons, while 37 per cent said they should be religious.
A slight majority (57 per cent) said faith formation should not take place in schools, while 43 per cent said it should.
Asked whether religion should be taught in schools by the class teacher, 46 per cent said no and 39 per cent said yes.
The Social Democrats and People Before Profit called for the Government to take action given the findings.
Advertisement
Social Democrats TD Jen Cummins said the survey confirms 'widespread support among primary school teachers for a reduced role of religion in our classrooms'.
'The results reflect a growing consensus in Irish society that our education system must evolve to reflect the diversity of modern Ireland,' the party's education spokeswoman said.
'It is therefore not surprising that the INTO survey found that most primary teachers want secular patrons for schools and believe faith formation should no longer take place in the classroom.'
Ms Cummins said the last programme for government committed to delivering 400 multi-denominational primary schools by 2030, but this was 'highly unlikely' to be achieved.
Advertisement
She also expressed concern that a proposal for a citizens' assembly on education appears to have been 'watered down' to a national convention on education.
Then-taoiseach Simon Harris said in July that the Government had 'not yet' considered the question of establishing a citizens' assembly on education.
People Before Profit TD Paul Murphy said Ireland's education system remains 'mired in the Dark Ages'.
Paul Murphy (Niall Carson/PA)
'Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are afraid the answers they would get from 100 ordinary people would force them to challenge the Catholic Church, something they remain determined to avoid,' he said.
Advertisement
Mr Murphy said he would introduce a bill in the next Dáil term that would repeal laws that allow for teachers to be discriminated against on the basis of their religious or secular beliefs.
'The Catholic Church runs nine out of 10 primary schools in this state. This means that non-Catholic primary school teachers are discriminated against in job applications, forced to obtain qualifications in teaching a religion they don't believe in, and then are forced to teach that religion.
Business
Medical device company opens new facility in Galwa...
Read More
'They are also exposed to an ever-present risk of discrimination, and even of losing their jobs, because of their beliefs.
'It is ludicrous that in this day and age, teachers can still be discriminated against because of their religious beliefs.'
The survey was published to coincide with the INTO annual conference being held this week in Galway.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Guardian
12 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Angela Rayner on lessons learned from Labour's first year
Pippa Crerar and Kiran Stacey speak to Angela Rayner about Labour's first year in government and the challenges ahead. The deputy prime minister reveals the issue that keeps her awake at night, reflects on why voters are frustrated with Labour, what she thinks the party can do about it, and how it's planning to take the fight to Reform

The National
27 minutes ago
- The National
Sign of a bright energy future – but for whom?
I saw John Swinney visiting Eyemouth last week and singing the praises of the Neart na Gaoithe wind farm in the Firth of Forth. For sure, the First Minister was right, it is a wonder of engineering and a sign of a bright energy future. But for whom? Almost all the benefits are passing Scotland by, just as they did in the first great energy bounty, when oil was discovered in the North Sea. Oil's still there and still being drilled for, though not as much as it should be, and it's only weeks since the Grangemouth oil refinery closed. Of course, there's a nice shiny new office block on Eyemouth pier for NnG, as it is referred to. The jobs there are few but welcome all the same. But where's the real work going – and, more importantly, who owns and profits? READ MORE: Man arrested for 'carrying a placard calling Donald Trump an offensive word' NnG might lie between Lothians and Fife but ownership lies abroad and a clue's in the name. Neart na Gaoithe is Gaelic but the Irish version, the reason being that the wind farm is owned not just by EDF, the state energy company of France but also ESB, the Republic of Ireland's state electricity company. The Irish consul general told me it is the single biggest investment ESB has ever made outwith the island of Ireland. All this means that profits from the wonder Swinney saw are going to Paris and Dublin and not to Edinburgh. But it's far worse than that: not one turbine for it is being manufactured in Scotland, despite Methil being visible from it, never mind other ports and yards in Scotland being available which are crying out for work. Even if the excuse is a lack of capacity here in turbine manufacturing – which itself is lamentable and indicative of a shameful lack of an industrial strategy – what about other works such as subsea cabling, the laying of pipeline and the assembly of the units, along with the ship contracts? As with ownership, they've gone abroad, with firms from Italy, Belgium and far beyond winning out and Scotland languishing without. Even the jobs that are coming to Scotland are limited. Beyond the smaller vessels at Eyemouth, there was hope for work for maritime crews providing for the major construction and cabling work from Montrose. So thought a former constituent of mine who left the deep-sea tankers for a job closer to home. Within a few days he and the rest of the UK crew had been laid off and replaced by South Asian labour. When you're working beyond territorial waters – and that's where NnG lies – UK employment law doesn't apply. What a rip-off. And the NnG tragedy won't be alone as it's not the only Scottish offshore wind farm owned by foreign state companies; China, Norway, Sweden and the UAE also have sites. There's a double whammy here, and not just in the work and contracts being frittered away. When the ScotWind auction took place – under the auspices and control of the Scottish not UK Government – offshore sites were sold off for a song. The £800 million raised was trumpeted as a triumph by the then first minister Nicola Sturgeon. Yet within a matter of weeks that was shown to be a paltry sum. Less than 25% of what had been auctioned off in Scotland was sold in the US by New York State for a site off Long Island and for somewhere in the region of $4.3 billion. And believe me, the European energy market, of which Scotland is a critical part, is larger than the US's. But we were told all's well as we'd be getting the supply jobs. Well, where are they? A few jobs at Eyemouth and a few ribs going out of that port aren't what we were led to believe we'd get, and are probably less that Ireland will have from just NnG alone. What a waste and what a letdown. The Scottish tragedy is being repeated but when it was oil and gas we had no Parliament. Now we have Holyrood and, shamefully, it is being complicit as well as supine. Yes, energy is largely reserved but the ScotWind sell-off was wholly down to [[Holyrood]]. This is our great opportunity, as the First Minister said, but it has to actually happen, not just be empty rhetoric. While Swinney was at Eyemouth harbour, I was at the funeral of an independence stalwart and was reminded by the eulogy of his role in the anti-poll tax campaign. Back then, he and his compadre, who sat next to me in the chapel, painted 'Pay No Poll Tax' on the bridges along the M8. No easy task but much appreciated by many. Things should be better and easier for us now, but as well as failures there's been a dampening of the spirit. Radicalism, let alone political actions, have been decried, as shown over the genocide in Palestine. We need some competency in our Government, but we also require some fire back in our movement.

The National
27 minutes ago
- The National
How pension savings could be an indy Scotland's ‘wealth fund'
A national pension fund (NPF) would be a large mutual fund owned by Scottish citizens as distinct from a state-owned sovereign wealth fund. It could be established in law based on mandatory 'auto-enrolment' of all new employees starting work for the first time, with all employers and employees paying contributions into the fund. These contributions would provide entitlement to an earnings-related pension but would also build up a large fund that could be invested to support the Scottish economy and the execution of Scottish Government industrial strategy. READ MORE: Man arrested for 'carrying a placard calling Donald Trump an offensive word' We need to be clear that pension savings give rise to future financial claims upon the resources and productive capacity of the economy. Unless the economy is capable of meeting the needs of everyone in the future, we are storing up a crisis and conflict over access to goods and services. Pension savings need to be used primarily to support the productive capacity of the economy instead of being allocated for speculation in financial markets. The NPF would quickly build into a substantial fund. The contributions made by new employees would not be drawn down to pay pensions for 40 years or more. Once established, existing workers could be offered the option of transferring in their second pensions. For those with defined contribution pensions, there would be a strong incentive as transferring into the NPF would give them rights to an earnings-related pension. Transfers in would increase the size of the NPF even further. The fund would need to be structured so that there was a 'buffer fund' of cash available to meet operating costs and pay out pension benefits. Workers who had transferred in would reach retirement age earlier than the founding auto-enrolled membership, so after a few years the NPF would need a certain amount of available cash to pay pension benefits. Funds in excess of that required to maintain a buffer fund (Fund A) could be allocated for productive investment. Fund B could be designated for investment in government and corporate bonds, a liquid form of financial asset that can be quickly redeemed for cash if necessary to supplement the buffer fund. Fund C could be allocated for direct investment in infrastructure and in the form of partnerships with businesses, giving the NPF direct equity stakes in individual companies. This fund would play a central role in giving the general public a direct stake in business and infrastructure and form the basis of what could be described as 'mutual capitalism'. Fund D would allocate any remaining funds in tradeable shares with an emphasis on the holding of shares in Scottish companies and taking stakes in foreign companies operating in Scotland. Funds C and D would contribute to the process of taking back control and ownership of our national assets and resources. Funds B and D would rely on there being a Scottish Stock Exchange to facilitate their activities. The funds of the NPF could be enhanced further by allocating revenues derived from the management of Scotland's resources. Initially this might be limited to tax revenues, for example from foreign companies operating in the energy sector. However, over time, as Scotland regains ownership and control over our own resources, the higher revenues could also be used to supplement the funds of the NPF in addition to the share of profits the NPF derives from direct investments in infrastructure and equity partnerships. A NPF would constitute a strategically important part of Scotland's future financial architecture and its evolution would have a significant impact on the Scottish asset management industry. A substantial shrinkage of that industry would be likely, but that would be compensated for with the creation of highly skilled, well-paid jobs needed to drive the successful business partnerships which are central to the NPF's purpose as an investor. The administration of an earnings-related pension system, of which the NPF would be a critical part, would also create well-paid jobs in activities such as financial advice, IT systems development and co-ordination with the tax and welfare systems and related government departments. In out next column I will outline how the NPF could be designed as a provider of earnings-related pensions for all Scottish citizens, integrated with a new state earnings-related pension.