logo
‘Maybe I won't have to do it': Trump on India's additional 25% tariffs for buying Russian oil

‘Maybe I won't have to do it': Trump on India's additional 25% tariffs for buying Russian oil

Before his meeting with Russia's Vladimir Putin, US President Donald Trump on Friday suggested the US may not move ahead with secondary tariffs on countries continuing to buy Russian crude, a measure that had decreased India's trade competitiveness and raised concerns.
'Well, he (Russian President Vladimir Putin) lost an oil client, so to speak, which is India, which was doing about 40 per cent of the oil. China, as you know, is doing a lot…And if I did what's called a secondary sanction, or a secondary tariff, it would be very devastating from their standpoint. If I have to do it, I'll do it. Maybe I won't have to do it,' Trump said Friday in an interview with Fox News aboard Air Force One en route to Alaska for his summit with Putin.
.@BretBaier: Would you sense that Putin comes to this table maybe in an economic pinch?@POTUS: 'If I did what's called a secondary sanction or a secondary tariff, it would be very devastating from their standpoint. If I have to do it, I'll do it. Maybe I won't have to do it.' pic.twitter.com/EfqX4rewdS
— Rapid Response 47 (@RapidResponse47) August 15, 2025
The meeting ended without an agreement on ending the Russia-Ukraine war.
US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent had earlier warned that if 'things don't go well' at the summit, Washington could escalate secondary tariffs on India for purchasing Russian oil. 'Sanctions can go up, they can be loosened. They can have a definitive life. They can go on indefinitely,' he told Bloomberg.
Trump has already imposed tariffs totalling 50 per cent on India, including 25 per cent on Delhi's Russian oil imports, effective August 27. Trump, before meeting Putin, had suggested that his tariffs on India 'essentially took them out of buying oil from Russia,' and 'probably' played a role in bringing Moscow to the negotiating table.
India has called the targeting 'unjustified and unreasonable,' with the Ministry of External Affairs saying it will 'take all necessary measures to safeguard national interests and economic security.'
New Delhi on Saturday 'welcomed' the meeting between Trump and Putin in Alaska and 'appreciated the progress made'.
'India welcomes the Summit meeting in Alaska between US President Donald Trump and President Vladimir Putin of Russia. Their leadership in the pursuit of peace is highly commendable… India appreciates the progress made in the Summit. The way forward can only be through dialogue and diplomacy. The world wants to see an early end to the conflict in Ukraine,' MEA's official spokesperson said.
(With Inputs from PTI)
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump-Putin summit: Land-for-ceasefire deal will be terrible for everyone
Trump-Putin summit: Land-for-ceasefire deal will be terrible for everyone

Scroll.in

time19 minutes ago

  • Scroll.in

Trump-Putin summit: Land-for-ceasefire deal will be terrible for everyone

Hours before meeting Russia's leader Vladimir Putin in Alaska, Donald Trump said he wanted to see a ceasefire in Ukraine and was 'not going to be happy' if it wasn't agreed today. The US president appears to have left Alaska with no such agreement in place. 'We didn't get there', Trump told reporters, before later vaguely asserting that he and Putin had 'made great progress'. Trump is likely to return to the idea of engaging Putin in the coming weeks and months, with the Russian leader jokingly suggesting their next meeting could be held in Moscow. A land-for-ceasefire arrangement, an idea Trump has repeatedly raised as an almost inevitable part of a peace settlement between Russia and Ukraine, could still reemerge as a possible outcome. In fact, in an interview with Fox News after the summit where Trump was asked how the war in Ukraine might end and if there will be a land swap, Trump said: 'those are points that we largely agreed on'. Securing territorial concessions from Ukraine has long been one of Moscow's preconditions for any negotiations on a peace deal. Putin is likely betting that insisting on these concessions, while keeping Ukraine under sustained military pressure, plays to his advantage. Public fatigue over the war is growing in Ukraine, and Putin will be hoping that a weary population may eventually see such a deal as acceptable and even attractive. Russia launched a barrage of fresh attacks against Ukrainian cities overnight, involving more than 300 drones and 30 missiles. Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky, who was excluded from the Alaska summit, has maintained that Kyiv will not agree to territorial concessions. Such a move would be illegal under Ukraine's constitution, which requires a nationwide referendum to approve changes to the country's territorial borders. The assumption behind a land-for-ceasefire deal is that it would enhance Ukrainian and European security. Trump sees it as the first step in bringing Putin to the negotiation table for a broader peace deal, as well as unlocking opportunities for reconstruction. In reality, such a deal would do little to diminish the longer-term Russian threat. Moscow's efforts to shore up and modernise its defence capabilities and neo-imperial ambitions would remain intact. Its hybrid attacks on Europe would also continue, and Ukraine's capacity to secure meaningful reconstruction would be weakened. Whether or not Russia ever opts for a direct military strike on a European Nato member state, it has no need to do so to weaken the continent. Its hybrid operations, which extend well beyond the battlefield, are more than sufficient to erode European resilience over time. Russia's disinformation campaigns and sabotage of infrastructure, including railways in Poland and Germany and undersea cables in the Gulf of Finland and Baltic Sea, are well documented. Its strategic objectives have focused on deterring action on Ukraine and sowing disagreement between its allies, as well as attempting to undermine democratic values in the west. Europe is under pressure on multiple fronts: meeting new defence spending targets of 5% of GDP while economic growth is slowing, reducing the dependence of its supply chains on China and managing demographic challenges. These vulnerabilities make it susceptible to disinformation and have deepened divisions along political and socioeconomic fault lines – all of which Moscow has repeatedly exploited. A land-for-ceasefire deal would not address these threats. For Ukraine, the danger of such a deal is clear. Russia might pause large-scale physical warfare in Ukraine under a deal, but it would almost certainly continue destabilising the country from within. Having never been punished for violating past agreements to respect Ukraine's territorial integrity, such as when it annexed Crimea in 2014, Moscow would have little incentive to honour new ones. The government in Kyiv, and Ukrainian society more broadly, would see any accompanying security guarantees as fragile at best and temporary at worst. The result would probably be a deepening of Ukraine's vulnerabilities. Some Ukrainians might support doubling down on militarisation and investment in defence technologies. Others, losing faith in national security and reconstruction, could disengage or leave the country. Either way, in the absence of national unity, reconstruction would become far more difficult. Making reconstruction harder Ukraine's reconstruction will be costly, to the tune of US$524 billion (£387 billion) according to the World Bank. It will also require managing a web of interconnected security, financial, social and political risks. These include displacement and economic challenges brought on by the war, as well as the need to secure capital flows across different regions. It will also need to continue addressing governance and corruption challenges. A permanent territorial concession would make addressing these risks even more difficult. Such a deal is likely to split public opinion in Ukraine, with those heavily involved in the war effort asking: 'What exactly have we been fighting for?' Recriminations would almost certainly follow during the next presidential and parliamentary elections, deepening divisions and undermining Ukraine's ability to pursue the systemic approach needed for reconstruction. Ongoing security concerns in border regions, particularly near Russia, would be likely to prompt further population flight. And how many of the over 5 million Ukrainians currently living abroad would return to help reconstruct the country under these conditions is far from certain. Financing reconstruction would also be more challenging. Public funds from donors and international institutions have helped sustain emergency energy and transport infrastructure repairs in the short term and will continue to play a role. But private investment will be critical moving forward. Investors will be looking not only at Ukraine's geopolitical risk profile, but also its political stability and social cohesion. Few investors would be willing to commit capital in a country that cannot guarantee a stable security and political environment. Taken together, these factors would make large-scale reconstruction in Ukraine nearly impossible. Beyond fundamental issues of accountability and just peace, a land-for-ceasefire deal would be simply a bad bargain. It will almost certainly sow deeper, more intractable problems for Ukraine, Europe and the west. It would undermine security, stall reconstruction and hand Moscow both time and a strategic advantage to come back stronger against a Ukraine that may be ill-prepared to respond. Trump would do well to avoid committing Ukraine to such an arrangement in further talks with Putin over the coming months.

Alaskan encounter: Only Russian President Putin gained from the meeting
Alaskan encounter: Only Russian President Putin gained from the meeting

Business Standard

time19 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

Alaskan encounter: Only Russian President Putin gained from the meeting

At most, it offers more compelling evidence of the US's abdication of its role as a principled interlocutor in global conflicts Business Standard Editorial Comment Listen to This Article Hopes for an early end to the three-year war between Russia and Ukraine were comprehensively dashed following United States (US) President Donald Trump's much-anticipated meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska. Even given the low expectations from this meeting, the result could not have been worse for embattled Ukraine, for the signals it sends to countries with irredentist ambitions, notably China (Taiwan) and the US (Greenland). At most, it offers more compelling evidence of the US's abdication of its role as a principled interlocutor in global conflicts. After affording Mr Putin a lavish welcome, including a red

India's torment over tariff continues as Zelenskyy heads to White House
India's torment over tariff continues as Zelenskyy heads to White House

Time of India

time33 minutes ago

  • Time of India

India's torment over tariff continues as Zelenskyy heads to White House

TOI correspondent from Washington : European leaders, including the heads of France, Germany, Britain, and Italy, will join Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the White House on Monday for talks with President Trump that could determine the future course and fate of many nations, including that of India on the economic front. The Trump-engineered peace agreement envisages Kiev giving up Russian captured territory in return for non-Nato security guarantees, proposals the Europeans and Ukraine are chary of given the US President's convivial ties with Putin. But challenging Trump also risks continuing a war that Trump thinks Ukraine is certain to lose and fracturing the 75-year old Atlantic alliance that has depended on the US for security. Zelenskyy will return to the Oval Office on Monday morning with the world's eyes trained on the meeting and memories of the shellacking he got from Trump and vice-president Vance for what they saw as ingratitude in the face of adversity. He will also be accompanied by the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen and Nato Secretary General Mark Rutte, as they try to forestall what is essentially a surrender before the emerging Trump-Putin alliance. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Could This NEW Collagen Blend Finally Reduce Your Cellulite? Vitauthority Learn More Undo The US President exuded confidence ahead of the meeting, posting "BIG PROGRESS ON RUSSIA. STAY TUNED!" and excoriating the liberal media for describing the Alaska summit as a win for Putin. "If I got Russia to give up Moscow as part of the Deal, the Fake News, and their PARTNER, the Radical Left Democrats, would say I made a terrible mistake and a very bad deal. That's why they are the FAKE NEWS! Also, they should talk about the 6 WARS, etc. , I JUST STOPPED!!!" Trump posted. But analysts say permitting Russia to keep captured Ukrainian territory sets a dangerous precedent for smaller countries facing bigger neighbors with historical grievances eyeing their territory. Trump though sees Ukraine being in an unwinnable position -- certainly without US support -- and would rather have Kiev sue for peace by conceding lost territory and keeping what remains. India, which has little to do with the Russia-Ukraine war but has high stakes in a peace deal, looks likely to face several more weeks of agony and uncertainty, as the Ukraine-EU combine puts up resistance against Trump-Putin initiative to end the war while seeking a trilateral meeting to hash out details. There is growing disapproval among regional experts over Trump's handling of ties with New Delhi, in particular his victimisation of India with punitive tariffs to achieve peace on the Russia-Ukraine front, with visions of a Nobel Prize tagged to it. "Because US-Russia negotiations are incomplete, the Trump admin can't make any concrete decisions on India. Washington has put India, a friendly strategic partner, in an indefinite holding pattern—terrible diplomacy on display," Derek Grossman, an Indo-Pacific national security expert said on X, after Washington postponed a visit to New Delhi by a trade team to discuss tariff issues. Putin himself inadvertently exposed White House hypocrisy towards India as he spoke of a 20 percent increase in Russia-US trade since Trump took office, even as the US President is bearing down on New Delhi for buying Russian oil. "Tariffing India won't stop Putin. If Trump really wanted to address Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, maybe punish Putin and give Ukraine the military aid it needs. Everything else is smoke and mirrors," Democrats on the House Foreign Relations committee said over the weekend even as the Republic flock stayed quiet. Former administration officials and even some current insiders are appalled at the Trump White House's "insensitivity" in managing the India relationship, with criticism about lack of expertise about the sub-continent in the President's inner circle. One former official said the White House appears to have jettisoned inter-agency meetings and national security issues are being piloted by individuals close to the President with little domain knowledge or expertise. "It's amateur hour at the White House," the former official said as reports emerged of an administration staffer leaving behind sensitive documents on a hotel printer in Alaska after the Trump-Putin meeting. Stay informed with the latest business news, updates on bank holidays , public holidays , current gold rate and silver price .

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store