
Multibagger small-cap stock under ₹50 hits upper circuit. Do you own it?
: Blue Cloud Softech Solutions share price has been rising regularly, having gained more than 28% in the last month on various business developments and announcements.
Blue Cloud Softech Solutions, a key player in cybersecurity and technology solutions, announced on 14 July, 2025. the appointment of an esteemed member to its advisory board as Shri Lieutenant General Anil Bhalla (Retd), PVSM, AVSM, and VSM.
Blue Cloud Softech Solutions' strategic vision in defense technology, cybersecurity, and national security innovation is strengthened by this.
However, among more developments, Blue Cloud Softech Solutions a few days back had announced securing a $9.36 million Coastal Surveillance Project, expanding its footprint in Global-education-share-price-nse-bse-s0004765" data-vars-anchor-text="the Global" data-vars-link-type="Auto" data-vars-page-type="story">the Global Security & Surveillance Market.
As per the company, the contract was worth US$9.36 million through its client in the US. To improve security along the South American coast, the 18-month project entails creating and deploying a bespoke coastal surveillance system.
Besides, Blue Cloud Softech Solutions recently also announced the launch of BluHealth Platform, an AI-powered healthcare platform, expanding its footprint in the global digital health industry.
Blue Cloud Softech Solutions share price opened at ₹ 32.71, slightly lower than the previous day's closing price of ₹ 33.35; however, it gained further. The Blue Cloud Softech Solutions share price thereafter gained further to intraday high levels of ₹ 34.01, which meant it hit the upper price band or the upper circuit.
The Blue Cloud Softech Solutions share price having risen 497% in 5 years has given multibagger returns to the investors.
Disclaimer: The views and recommendations made above are those of individual analysts or brokerage companies and not of Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions
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Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
If India were to stop buying Russian oil, global crude prices could jump to 200 dollars a barrel: Report
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Scroll.in
2 hours ago
- Scroll.in
World order in flux, Modi's Ghana visit is an important moment for bilateral ties
Ghana has historically been an anchor of Indian enterprise and diplomacy on the African continent. New Delhi and Accra formalised ties in 1957. At the time, their partnership was grounded in shared anti-colonial ideals and a common vision for post-independence development. India offered counsel on building Ghana's institutions, including its external intelligence agency. Meanwhile, Indian teachers, technicians and traders regularly travelled to the west African country in search of opportunity. The July 2025 visit of the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, to Ghana – the first by an Indian leader in over three decades – came at a critical moment for the continent. As the global order shifts towards multi-polarity, countries like Ghana are navigating a complex landscape, which includes western donors scaling back commitments. This has opened space to deepen cooperation through pragmatic, interest-driven collaborations with longstanding partners like India. Speaking at the Munich Security Conference, Ghana's President John Mahama captured the spirit of this global realignment, noting that: 'as bridges are burning, new bridges are being formed.' Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Modi's visit offered an opportunity to both revive and recalibrate bilateral ties. The visit carried a strong economic and strategic orientation. Ghana positioned itself as a partner in areas where India holds comparative advantage, such as pharmaceuticals. Over 26% of Africa's generic medicines are sourced from India. The Food and Drugs Authority's (Ghana's regulator of pharmaceutical standards) listing of foreign pharmaceutical manufacturing facilities is dominated by Indian firms. Defence cooperation was also on the agenda. Ghana is looking to India for training, equipment and broader security engagement in response to rising threats from the Sahel and coastal piracy. This emphasis on shared security interests is underscored by Ghana's alignment with India on counter-terrorism. President Mahama for instance has condemned the Pahalgam terrorist attacks that occurred in April 2025. Reviving economic ties Economic ties are at the heart of this renewed engagement between the two countries. Bilateral trade currently stands at around US$3 billion. Both leaders aim to double it to US$6 billion over the next five years. Currently, Ghana enjoys a trade surplus with India. This is mainly due to gold exports, which account for over 70% of its shipments. Cocoa, cashew nuts, and timber are also key exports, while imports from India include pharmaceuticals, machinery, vehicles, and various industrial goods. India has invested more than US$2 billion in Ghana. These investments span private capital, concessional finance and grants across 900 projects. India now ranks among Ghana's top investors. Indian firms and state-backed institutions play a key role in critical infrastructure development. Landmark projects include the 97km standard gauge Tema-Mpakadan Railway Line and the Ghana-India Kofi Annan ICT Centre, a hub for innovation and research. In an earlier study, I documented the perspectives of Indian entrepreneurs in Ghana. The findings underscored the country's appeal as a land of economic opportunity. In interviews, Indian businesses highlighted Ghana's stable political environment. An expanding consumer base, and relatively transparent regulatory framework were also mentioned. Together, these factors continue to attract investor interest. This economic momentum likely paved the way to pursue a closer bilateral relationship, marked by the elevation to a ' Comprehensive Partnership '. While delegates in the July visit addressed issues such as financial inclusion, healthcare and agriculture, the tangible outcomes were limited. Four memoranda of understanding were signed. They cover cooperation on traditional medicine, regulatory standards and cultural exchange. The creation of a joint commission to structure and advance bilateral collaboration across priority sectors was also signed. Moving forward, Ghana offers India an entry point into west Africa's resource landscape. With reserves of gold, bauxite, manganese and lithium, Ghana is well positioned to contribute to India's needs for critical minerals. President Mahama's invitation for investment in mineral extraction and processing aligns with India's National Critical Mineral Mission, New Delhi is looking for supply chains for its energy transition. It creates an opportunity for Indian mining companies to expand into African markets. Pragmatic diplomacy With nearly US$100 billion in trade, cumulative investments of nearly US$75 billion, and a 3.5 million strong diaspora, the broader contours of India's Africa policy is increasingly pragmatic and issue based. New Delhi's evolving relations with Accra reflects this. It comes as Ghana is making sweeping economic reforms domestically, particularly in fiscal management and debt restructuring. This ambitious 'economic reboot' hinges on attracting private sector investment. In this context, the Indian diaspora, already deeply embedded in Ghana's commercial networks, is well positioned to foster stronger economic ties. In his address to Ghana's Parliament, the Indian Prime Minister spoke of development cooperation that is demand driven and focused on building local capacity and creating local opportunities. This approach 'to not just invest, but empower', signals India's growing intent to anchor relationships in mutual agency, rather than dependency.


Indian Express
2 hours ago
- Indian Express
India stays pragmatic amid Trump's tariff blitzkrieg; US moves N-submarines closer to Russia; Canada to recognise Palestinian state
Amid Trump's tirade, India says will protect national interest, closely watches US's renewed closeness with Pakistan and trade deal with China; data shows Indian refiners had begun cutting down on Russian oil imports before Trump's announcement of tariff 'penalty'; the US calls Medvedev's statements 'foolish and inflammatory', moves two Nuclear Submarines closer to Russia; as Canada joins the UK and France in recognising the statehood of Palestine, Israel faces little restraint in its deadly attack in Gaza – here is weekly roundup of key global news. US President Donald Trump's announcements of 25 per cent tariff on India, 'penalty' for its defence and energy imports from Russia, 10 per cent BRICS tariff, and a pointed remark whether Pakistan could 'some day' sell oil to India have sparked concerns about its impact on India's GDP growth, while deepening diplomatic challenges amid the ongoing trade talks. Instead of getting dragged into a tit-for-tat response, India adopts a pragmatic approach, anchored in its longstanding strategic partnership with the US, to weather the tariff blitzkrieg. It reiterated its stance for 'a fair, balanced and mutually beneficial bilateral trade agreement', aligned with national interests and the welfare of farmers, entrepreneurs, and Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs). Nonetheless, Trump's pointed tirade has raised some pertinent questions: How will this affect the ongoing India-US trade talks? How can India withstand Trump's pressure tactic and safeguard its traditional red lines? In what ways could India navigate Trump's unspecified 'penalty' for its defence and energy imports from Russia? Is there room to secure a 10-20 per cent tariff differential with China? And how to look at the US's renewed closeness with Pakistan? Trump's surprise 25% tariff Trump's announcement of the 25 per cent tariff, probably layered on top of the 10 per cent baseline tariff announced in April, comes as a US delegation is expected to visit New Delhi later this month for the sixth round of trade talks. The trade deal is largely bogged down in India's red lines around agriculture and dairy sectors, primarily over concerns around genetically modified crops and dairy imports from animals fed with internal blood meal, a high-protein feed made from animal blood. The US is India's largest trade partner, accounting for around 18 per cent of its goods exports. According to economists, the elevated tariff could reduce India's GDP growth by approximately 0.2 to 0.3 percentage points, with sectors like gems and jewellery, clothing/textiles and phones likely to be hit. Trump also issued a proclamation to impose a 50 per cent universal tariff on semi-finished and derivative copper imports starting from August 1. He has already increased tariffs on steel and aluminium from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. However, India's domestic industry is likely to absorb any decline in the demand from the US – India's third-largest copper export market – given copper's status as a critical mineral and its extensive use across various sectors. Notably, now there is greater receptiveness within India's policy circles to cut tariffs on some industrial goods, and grant concessions in sectors such as public procurement and agriculture, provided these are matched by the other side, like in the case of the UK deal. India has also made preemptive economic concessions after Trump's initial tariff threats. It lowered some import duties and indicated willingness to make more defense and energy purchases from the US to manage the trade gap. Trade data shows that India's oil imports from the US jumped over 270 per cent year-on-year in the first four months of 2025. Nonetheless, Trump also threatened additional penalties on India for its membership in the BRICS, accusing the group of pursuing 'anti-American policies'. However, India has brushed off 'anti-America' rhetoric by saying that de-dollarisation is not its economic, political, or strategic policy and transactions in domestic currencies are intended to de-risk Indian trade. Experts have largely zeroed in on at least two key reasons behind Trump's impulsive policy decisions. One, Trump is testing his familiar strong-arm tactics to browbeat and bully the adversary by imposing high tariffs (as he did with China). Second, some in the Indian establishment feel that the US President has not taken very kindly to Delhi fact-checking Trump's claims on brokering a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. In the meantime, reports of India refusing to consider F-35 fighter jets emerged. But the MEA said that India has a 'strong defence partnership with the US, which has been strengthening over the last several years. However, Trump's latest unilateral measure, subjecting India to a higher tariff than the UK (10 per cent), the European Union, Japan and Korea (15 per cent), Indonesia (19 per cent) or Vietnam (20 per cent), runs counter to the larger story of growing cooperation between the two countries. US-Pakistan reset Hours after announcing the surprise tariffs on India, Trump posted on Truth Social that the US had concluded a deal with Pakistan to develop what he described as the South Asian nation's 'massive oil reserves', and said, 'Who knows, maybe they'll be selling oil to India some day.' In a final tariff announcement on Friday (August 1), Trump gave Pakistan a rate of 19 per cent, down from the original 29 percent. The US-Pakistan reset has raised subtle red flags in Delhi. Indian diplomats point to the deep mistrust caused by Pakistan's strong defence relationship with the US, especially when it got top-of-the-line equipment including F-16 jets. Now, the trade deal with Pakistan and, more specifically, the remark that Pakistan could 'some day' sell oil to India has triggered introspection about India's expectations from the second Trump presidency. Experts argue that while India believed that Trump would rebalance US ties with India – given his predecessor Joe Biden was more favourable towards Pakistan – and stopped short of making pragmatic assessments of the situation – something that Islamabad did. Pakistan seems to have made its recaliberation early on and moved swiftly to invest in the Trump entourage, buying up support. Over the last few months, Pakistan nominated Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize for stopping the India-Pakistan military confrontation, awarded a top military honour to the US Central Command chief, and signed a deal with a US cryptocurrency company. In June, Trump hosted Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir for lunch at the White House. But it was Pakistan's outreach to the Trump family and the inner circle through investments in the cryptocurrency business that seems to have tilted the scales in its favour, Delhi feels. India watches final tariff on China While India faces the surprise tariff announcement, China, which is currently facing a 30 per cent tariff, is at an advanced stage of trade negotiations with the US. It is understood that Beijing could have a favourable tariff rate and potential waivers on secondary tariffs, including possibly the tariff on account of Russian oil imports and the proposed 10 per cent BRICS tariff. India has been pinning hope on the US to maintain a 10-20 per cent differential with China, which will help New Delhi tide over some of its structural downsides, namely infrastructural bottlenecks, logistics woes, high interest cost, the cost of doing business, corruption, etc. India is closely tracking the effective duty on Chinese products on a landed basis across US ports, particularly in commodity categories, where Indian producers are reasonably competitive, to identify potential export opportunities. However, US and Chinese officials announced no breakthrough after wrapping up two days of discussions in Stockholm on Tuesday, except Beijing saying that the two sides agreed to push for an extension of a 90-day tariff truce struck in mid-May. It is argued that in the case of the US-India trade deal, indications are that the outer time limit, currently pegged at around October from New Delhi's perspective, could be brought forward, if fresh negotiations are positive from India's point of view. Once the interim deal is clinched, if the final US headline tariff on India ends up between 10 per cent and 15 per cent, the tariff points offered to the UK and Japan, respectively, New Delhi would have reasons to be satisfied. But the advantage starts to taper off once the tariff goes over 15 per cent and inches up closer to 20 per cent, as was offered to Vietnam. A trans-shipment clause, of the kind slapped on Vietnam which levies an additional 20 per cent tariff, could be a problem for India too, given that a lot of Indian exports have inputs and intermediate goods in sectors such as pharma, engineering goods and electronics coming in from outside, including China. In a bid to put pressure on Russia to end the war in Ukraine, Trump threatened an unspecified 'penalty' for India for buying Russian oil and weapons, while slapping a secondary tariff of 100 per cent on its oil buyers. Trump said India has always purchased a significant amount of military equipment and energy products from Russia at a time when everyone wants Moscow to stop the 'killing' in Ukraine. He also registered his pet complaint that although India is America's friend, 'we have, over the years, done relatively little business with them because their (India) tariffs are far too high…' The US President went to the extent of calling the economies of India and Russia 'dead', and said, 'I don't care what India does with Russia. They can take their dead economies down together, for all I care' — seen as offensive by many. Nonetheless, India rebutted Trump tirade by asserting that its 'bilateral relationships with various countries stand on their own merit and should not be seen from the prism of a third country. India and Russia have a steady and time-tested partnership.' Similarly, on buying Russian defence equipment, India asserted that the sourcing of 'defence requirements is determined solely by our national security imperatives and strategic assessments.' While India does depend on Russia for the defence supplies, much of it is because of the legacy from the Soviet Union era. Although the dependency is about 60 to 70 per cent, India has, in the past few years, steadily diversified its defence purchases from countries including the US. India's energy imports from Russia shot up following the country's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, which prompted much of the West to ban Russian crude. In the financial year 2024-25, oil imports from Russia accounted for almost 36 per cent of India's total oil imports. In the meantime, data shows Indian refiners had begun cutting down on Russian oil imports, much before Trump's announcement of tariff 'penalty'. The share of Russian crude in India's oil import basket in July contracted notably to around 33.8 per cent from June's 44.5 per cent. It may be recalled here that New Delhi stopped importing oil from Iran in mid-2019 after sanctions on the Islamic Republic by the Trump administration. As part of its latest 'maximum pressure campaign' action against Iran's energy trade and shipping network, the US this week sanctioned eight India-based companies and five Indian nationals. Frustrated with Russia's intransigence to meet his August 8 deadline to end the war in Ukraine, US President Trump ordered two nuclear submarines to be moved closer to Russia, announced tariffs on its oil buyers, and said details were being hammered out to supply Ukraine with weapons using funds from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump's decision to move two Nuclear Submarines closer to Russia came after what he dubbed 'foolish and inflammatory statements' from Dmitry Medvedev, former Russian President and currently deputy chairman of Russia's Security Council. Medvedev told Trump to remember 'how dangerous the fabled 'Dead Hand' can be', a reference to a secretive semi-automated Russian command system designed to launch Moscow's nuclear missiles if its leadership had been taken out in a decapitating strike by a foe. He also called Trump's threat of hitting Russia and buyers of its oil with punitive tariffs 'a game of ultimatums' and a step closer towards a war between Russia and the US, Reuters reported. On Tuesday (July 29), Trump cut short the deadline for Russia, giving it '10 days from today' to agree to a ceasefire in Ukraine or be hit, along with its oil buyers (of which the biggest are China and India), with tariffs. Meanwhile, the US and NATO are also working on a novel approach to supply Ukraine with weapons using funds from NATO countries to pay for the purchase or transfer of US arms, Reuters reported citing three sources familiar with the matter. Nonetheless, Moscow appears unlikely to comply with the US deadline, and has set out its own terms for peace, which Kyiv says amount to demanding its capitulation. Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Friday (August 1) that Moscow hoped for more peace talks with Ukraine but that the momentum of the war was in its favour, signalling no shift in his stance despite a looming sanctions deadline from Washington. During the last peace talks, Russia rejected Ukraine's offer of an unconditional ceasefire and rather demanded its capitulation to its conditions. Moscow currently controls about a fifth of Ukrainian territory and insists Kyiv must relinquish it, envisioning a permanently 'neutral' Ukraine. Kyiv, on the other hand, demands a full Russian withdrawal, alongside NATO membership. Trump deployed the familiar tactic of economic pressure even in Gaza and threatened Canada that signing a US trade deal would now be 'very hard' after Prime Minister Mark Carney announced the plan to recognise a Palestinian state. Canada's move came after France and the UK said they will recognise the Palestinian state at September's UN General Assembly meeting. However, such moves demand closer scrutiny, particularly because Israel has faced little restraint in its deadly strike in Gaza, where international experts say a 'worst-case scenario of famine' is playing out. Two historical agreements merit close attention here: the Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916) and the Balfour Declaration of (1917). The former was a secret agreement between France and Britain involving the division of territories of the Ottoman empire after WWI, while the latter laid the foundation for a 'Jewish national home' in Palestine in exchange for the support of the European Jews for Britain in WWI. It is argued that the creation of an independent State of Israel in May 1948, and its success in fending off five Arab states, meant that the Balfour Declaration's contradictory promises catalysed a conflict that continues to bring devastation to the West Asian region. Over a century later, the UK has said it would move to recognise Palestinian statehood if Israel fails to meet a set of conditions – agreeing to a ceasefire, a two-state solution, and halting its de facto annexation of parts of the occupied West Bank. However, the question remains: if Israel meets all the conditions, will the UK not recognise Palestinian statehood? It wouldn't be an exaggeration to call the chorus from parts of the West more a pressure tactic to push Israel into accepting a ceasefire than a genuine commitment to recognise the state of Palestine. Notably, 147 of 193 UN member states, including India, have formally recognised the State of Palestine. Nonetheless, amid pressure tactics and verbal assurances, the fate of more than 2 million Palestinians in Gaza hangs in the balance, with reports of Israel's continued deadly attacks, starvation deaths, and warning of 'worst-case scenario of famine'. In the meantime, US President Trump's Mideast envoy on Friday (August 1) visited a food distribution site in Gaza operated by an Israeli-backed American contractor, Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF). Media reports have highlighted that aid-seeking Palestinians have been attacked nearly-daily at GHF-operated aid sites, prompting severe criticism from the UN and other Arab nations questioning the credibility of the organisation. In a report issued on Friday, the New York-based Human Rights Watch said GHF was at the heart of a 'flawed, militarised aid distribution system that has turned aid distributions into regular bloodbaths,' Reuters reported. At least 24 people, including 13 aid seekers, have been killed on Saturday (August 2) in Israeli attacks across Gaza, while two more children and an adult have died due to 'famine and malnutrition', bringing the number of deaths from starvation in the territory to 162, including 92 children, Al Jazeera reported citing the enclave's Health Ministry. Israel's war on Gaza has killed at least 60,332 people and wounded 147,643 others. An estimated 1,139 people were killed in Israel during the October 7 attack, and more than 200 were taken captive. Send your feedback and ideas to Ashiya Parveen is working as Commissioning Editor for the UPSC Section at The Indian Express. She also writes a weekly round up of global news, The World This Week. Ashiya has more than 10 years of experience in editing and writing spanning media and academics, and has both academic and journalistic publications to her credit. She has previously worked with The Pioneer and Press Trust of India (PTI). She also holds a PhD in international studies from Centre for West Asian Studies, JNU. ... Read More