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June nonfiction: Six recently published books that try to make sense of India's past and present

June nonfiction: Six recently published books that try to make sense of India's past and present

Scroll.in31-05-2025
The Dismantling of India's Democracy: 1947 to 2025, Prem Shankar Jha
India's democracy, once celebrated as an unprecedented experiment in pluralism and participatory nation-building, now faces a grave crisis. In this urgent and penetrating work, veteran journalist Prem Shankar Jha traces how the country's hard-won democracy – rooted in diversity and tolerance – has been steadily hollowed out since Independence – slowly at first, and since 2014, with determined ferocity.
Structural flaws in our Constitution, like the lack of state-funded elections, Jha argues, were made substantially worse by Indira Gandhi's ban on company donations to political parties. As parties increasingly turned to clandestine donors for election financing, politics became a near-criminal enterprise, facilitating the rise of a predatory state long before 2014. And now, under the Modi regime, the weaponisation of state agencies, the serious undermining of electoral processes and the transformation of governance into a tool of political vendetta threaten to tear down the last remnants of India's democracy.
Jha further argues that the erosion of democratic institutions, the rise of Hindu majoritarian politics and the normalisation of state repression are not isolated events but symptoms of a deeper transformation. Drawing on Indian history and global parallels, he makes the bold case that what India is witnessing is not simply a drift towards authoritarianism but the emergence of a distinctively Indian form of fascism. Our only hope cannot be, he says, an electoral victory for the opposition; it must be grounded in a commitment to both political accountability and cultural inclusivity.
A Man for All Seasons: The Life of KM Panikkar, Narayani Basu
KM Panikkar was a multifaceted man, one of India's first public intellectuals when India won its independence. His imprint is all over India's colonial and post-colonial history: from constitutional reform in the princely states, where he was a strong advocate for India's current federal model to charting India's maritime policy as a free country. He believed in an essential Hindu culture that held his land together, yet he was a committed secularist. He was Gandhi's emissary and the founder of the Hindustan Times. He was independent India's first and most controversial ambassador to both Nationalist China and the People's Republic of China. He was Nehru's man in Cairo and France and a member of the States Reorganisation Commission. He had enemies in the CIA as well as in India's own Ministry of External Affairs. He frustrated his admirers as much as he provoked their reluctant respect.
From the British Raj to the Constituent Assembly, across two world wars and an ensuing Cold War, KM Panikkar was India's go-to man in all seasons.
Through it all, he never stopped writing – on Indian identity, nationalism, history and foreign policy – material that remains as relevant today as it was seven decades ago.
Yet, about the man himself, strangely little is known. In A Man for All Seasons, Narayani Basu bridges that gap. Drawing on Panikkar's formidable body of work, as well as on archival material from India to England, from Paris to China, and from Israel to the United Nations, as well as on first-time interviews with Panikkar's family, Basu presents a vivid, irresistibly engaging portrait of this most enigmatic of India's founding fathers. Featuring a formidable cast of characters – from Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi and Sardar Patel to Zhou Enlai, Chairman Mao and Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Shattered Lands: Five Partitions and the Making of Modern Asia, Sam Dalrymple
As recently as 1928, a vast swathe of Asia – India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, Bhutan, Yemen, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait – were bound together under a single imperial banner, an entity known officially as the 'Indian Empire', or more simply as the Raj.
It was the British Empire's crown jewel, a vast dominion stretching from the Red Sea to the jungles of Southeast Asia, home to a quarter of the world's population and encompassing the largest Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Zoroastrian communities on the planet. Its people used the Indian rupee, were issued passports stamped 'Indian Empire', and were guarded by armies garrisoned in forts from the Bab el-Mandab to the Himalayas.
And then, in the space of just fifty years, the Indian Empire shattered. Five partitions tore it apart, carving out new nations, redrawing maps, and leaving behind a legacy of war, exile and division.
Shattered Lands presents the whole story of how the Indian Empire was unmade. How a single, sprawling dominion became twelve modern nations. How maps were redrawn in boardrooms and on battlefields, by politicians in London and revolutionaries in Delhi, by kings in remote palaces and soldiers in trenches.
Its legacies include civil wars in Burma and Sri Lanka, ongoing insurgencies in Kashmir, Baluchistan, Northeast India, and the Rohingya genocide. It is a history of ambition and betrayal, of forgotten wars and unlikely alliances, of borders carved with ink and fire. And, above all, it is the story of how the map of modern Asia was made.
Tagore in Tripura: An Enduring Connection, Khagesh Burman
A part of Rabindranath Tagore's life that remains largely unknown is his connection to the state of Tripura. Tagore had close ties with four generations of the Tripura royal family, especially Maharaja Radhakishore, who helped set up and fund the Visva-Bharati University in Santiniketan.
Tagore's relationship with the Tripura royal family began in 1882, when Maharaja Birchandra was so moved by his poetry that he sent his minister to congratulate the poet. During Birchandra's son Radhakishore's reign, Tagore was involved in Tripura's administration, advising the king on all state matters. He visited the state several times too. Later generations of the royal family continue to patronise Tagore and Visva-Bharati, sending several students with stipends to the university.
This book, written by a member of the Tripura royal family, explores their connection with Tagore, including the friendships and associations the poet formed and the ways in which Tripura appeared in his writings.
The Outsider: A Memoir for Misfits, Vir Das
When comedian and actor Vir Das found himself stranded on a pier in Cozumel, Mexico, watching his cruise ship sail away without him due to visa issues, it became a metaphor for his life: he's always been, and will always be, an outsider. Standing on that beach, he took in the absurdity of it all-broke, hungover, dumped, jobless, trousers full of sand. He knew the best way to deal with the situation wasn't to retreat. It was to laugh.
Vir's story is one of cultural dissonance and identity exploration. As a child, he bounced from India to Lagos, Nigeria, and back again. He navigated life between worlds, never quite fitting in.
In Africa, he was the kid from India, and back in India, he was the kid from Africa. As the only Indian kid costarring in War and Peace on stage at Knox College in Illinois, his outsider status was undeniable. Whether he's washing dishes at a Grand Lux Cafe in Chicago, navigating Bollywood, getting cancelled by an entire country and then embraced by that country all over again, or performing on stages from New York to Mumbai to Stavanger, Norway, Vir has learned to lean way into his place as an outsider, and to find humor and meaning on the fringes.
Meet the Savarnas: Indian Millennials Whose Mediocrity Broke Everything, Ravikant Kisana
In the early 2000s, India was expected to 'shine' and emerge as a rising superpower. It was the post-1990s golden generation – professionals fresh out of B-schools and engineering programmes – who were supposed to take us there. The Great Indian Dream was ready to lift off. Except we never left the ground.
No one could really explain what went wrong. Some blamed politicians, some corruption, some capitalism and some communal polarisation. Most people missed the giant elephant in the room – caste.
Caste in India is mostly researched and reported from the experience of the oppressed. Caste as a privilege is not well understood. How do caste elites respond to modernity? How do they understand culture, intimacy, love and tradition? Were their ideas, institutions and imaginations ever even capable of delivering upon the Great Indian Dream?
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In industrial belt near Delhi, Trump's tariffs cloud outlook for export of engineering goods
In industrial belt near Delhi, Trump's tariffs cloud outlook for export of engineering goods

Indian Express

timea minute ago

  • Indian Express

In industrial belt near Delhi, Trump's tariffs cloud outlook for export of engineering goods

In one of the many cavernous sheds dotting Ghaziabad, the industrial suburb on the outskirts of the Capital, a giant stands silent. The massive metal forging machine, hauled from China only months ago at a cost of Rs 20 crore, glints under the dim factory lights, its steel body collecting a fine coat of dust. It was meant to be the future: sleek, electric-powered, capable of shaping metal with precision and scale. Yet, in its shadow, the old ritual continues. A knot of workers, sleeves rolled, faces flushed with heat, gather around a much smaller press, striking molten metal with steady, rhythmic blows. The clangs echo through the workshop like the heartbeat of an older era. For Ghaziabad-based CD Industries, a manufacturer of metal flanges feeding oil and gas exploration rigs across the US, the dormant machinery was supposed to answer the shifting demands of its overseas clients. Instead, it waits, inert. 'Baal mundwaate hi ole padne lage (It started raining hail stones as soon as one got his hair shaved),' Pankaj Agarwal, Director, CD Industries, told The Indian Express at his manufacturing plant in one of Ghaziabad's biggest industrial belts on the Bulandshahr Road. Agarwal had purchased the electric metal forge to exclusively service client requests from the US, who had asked him to make flanges of up to 16 inches, as opposed to his current capacity of eight-inch flanges. But, with US President Donald Trump's decision to raise tariffs on several Indian goods – to 25 per cent, with a further 25 per cent increase threatened by August 27 – new orders have dried up for Agarwal, and many engineering goods exporters like him. Increasingly, several US-based vendors are even cancelling earlier orders, resulting in significant financial losses for several Indian medium and small enterprises. Engineering is the largest industrial sector in India and accounts for 3.53 per cent of the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The engineering goods export of India had a share of 25.22 per cent out of the total exports during the financial year FY24, as they jumped to $109.22 billion as compared to $106.93 billion during FY23. In FY25 (April to December), India's top five export destinations in the sector were the US (15.82%), the UAE (7.36%), Saudi Arabia (5.24%), Singapore (4.46%) and Germany (3.52%). Industries like auto components and metal works are particularly at a disadvantage. For CD Industries, the US is its exclusive export market, accounting for 50 per cent of the company's turnover. 'While we are continuing to deliver the previously placed orders, new enquiries have stopped coming in. For some companies, their previous orders have been cancelled, as importers are seeking a discount, which many manufacturers are not in a position to accept,' Agarwal said. His products are supplied across the length and breadth of the US, from the West Coast to the East Coast, and Texas to New York. 'The tariff situation is bothering us, haunting us, and we are really, really worried,' he said. His plant in Ghaziabad employs 225 people, including floor workers, project managers and quality control managers. For now, he says the older orders not getting cancelled – a fact he attributes to his long-standing relationship with his vendors, dating back 20 to 30 years – has allowed him to not trim the workforce. But if the situation continues for a longer time, he may have to let go of some workers, Agarwal said. Sanjeev Sachdev, general secretary of the Industrial Area Manufacturers' Association in Ghaziabad, said there are more than 400 manufacturing plants in the belt, which employ over 75,000 people. 'If the tariff situation is not resolved, and the government does not alternatively help the industry financially in the meantime, easily 5,000-7,000 people will lose their jobs. Many companies, who have purchased raw material and made finished goods, are staring at generations getting into debt,' Sachdev said. Pankaj Chadha, chairman of the Engineering Export Promotion Council (EEPC) of India, said about $5 billion worth of engineering goods exports are at risk due to US tariffs. 'Unlike other sectors, for us the pain started early on when the US announced 50 per cent tariffs on steel and aluminium. At this tariff rate, we cannot be competitive and we are not in a position to retain our market share in the US,' he said. Sachdev speaks with the quiet fatalism of someone who is anticipating to see too many balance sheets bleed red. Between raw metal and a gleaming finished part lies a steep markup – not just in price, but in labour, skill, and the hours of heat and noise that shape it. Yet that value can vanish in an instant. If an overseas buyer pulls the plug, the goods, tailored to a single client's specifications, are suddenly orphaned, with no other market to call home. In that moment, there are only two doors left open: swallow the buyer's demand for a deep discount, or consign the work to the scrap heap, where months of craft and capital dissolve into a fraction of their worth. For some manufacturers, it is not just a bad deal – it is the slow tightening of a noose. One too many of such blows, and the factory floor falls silent. Many in the industry, who spoke on condition of anonymity, warned that the real weight of the new tariffs will fall not on the industry's giants, but on the small and medium enterprises. The big players can simply pivot, scouting for new markets, absorbing the shock with the comfort of deep reserves. For the smaller firms, there is no such cushion, no easy escape route. The blow, when it lands, goes straight to the bone. Agarwal, Chadha and Sachdev, all said that the government's help to support companies in distress is the need of the hour. 'We expect the government to extend Remission of Duties and Taxes on Exported Products (RoDTEP) to the steel sector and restart the interest subvention scheme to ease the pain,' Chadha said. Vinod Kumar, president of the India SME Forum, said that export-focused countries like China have heavily invested in promoting their products globally. 'India has not done that over the years. This is a systemic problem. The nature of trade has changed over the years. Only production is not going to solve your problem, we have to market them effectively,' he said.

President, not SC, decides when to seek court's opinion: Centre
President, not SC, decides when to seek court's opinion: Centre

Time of India

time26 minutes ago

  • Time of India

President, not SC, decides when to seek court's opinion: Centre

Supreme Court NEW DELHI: Objecting to the judgment mandating the President to seek Supreme Court's opinion on constitutionality of bills, Union govt has said the judiciary cannot dictate to the President how and when to exercise her unfettered discretion to seek the apex court's opinion and on which issues. Faulting the April 8 judgment of a bench of justices J B Pardiwala and R Mahadevan, the Centre, through solicitor general Tushar Mehta, said a plain reading of the President's powers under Article 143 "shows that an absolute discretion lies with the President to seek advice. The term 'consult' means the act of asking for advice and indicates that the President is not bound to do so". The judgment had advised the President that whenever a governor reserves a bill for her consideration on the ground that it is patently unconstitutional, the President ought to make a reference to SC under Article 143 "as a measure of prudence", given that it is for the apex court to determine the constitutionality and legality of orders and laws. Ahead of Tuesday's hearing on the Presidential Reference before a five-judge bench led by CJI B R Gavai, the Centre said, "Any constitutional proposition of law that there exists a constitutional expectation for the President to refer every reserved bill to the Supreme Court is contrary to the constitutional scheme". It gave three reasons to repudiate the SC bench's proposition to this effect: Articles 200 and 201 envisage that the President will apply his/her own mind to decide whether to assent or withhold assent, and these provisions do not mention any role of Supreme Court under Article 143. Such a proposition presupposes that only the judiciary can decide questions related to the Constitution, whereas the Constitution contemplates that the legislature, the executive and the judiciary each is competent and authorised to interpret the Constitution within their own domain. The legislature considers the constitutionality of a bill during debate, the President or governor applies their mind while deciding whether to withhold, assent or refer a bill and the judiciary decides the legality of an Act in appropriate proceedings. Such a proposition converts a constitutional prerogative into a judicial mandate in the nature of a continuing mandamus, which is impermissible. Union govt said the Constitution does not empower the judiciary to examine the contents of a bill that is yet to become a legislation, sans assent granted by a governor or the President. "The constitutional courts cannot undertake judicial adjudication over the contents of a pending bill. It is not possible for the constitutional courts to look behind the contents of the bill at a stage wherein it is a pending decision before the governor and adjudicate whether it requires a reference to the President or not," it said. It further said a state is barred from filing petitions under Article 32, which is a preserve of citizens to seek redress of violations of their fundamental rights by directly approaching the SC. For any dispute between the state and the Centre, the parties concerned need to approach the SC through a suit under Article 131. The Centre held, "A state govt cannot file a petition under Article 32 of the Constitution against essentially the governor of the state..."

Previous Delhi govts treated sanitation staff like slaves: Modi
Previous Delhi govts treated sanitation staff like slaves: Modi

Hindustan Times

time31 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

Previous Delhi govts treated sanitation staff like slaves: Modi

New Delhi PM Narendra Modi speaks at the inauguration of roadworks in Delhi. (HT Photo) Prime Minister Narendra Modi, speaking at the inauguration of key roadworks on Sunday, took aim at the opposition parties' claims of working for social justice by citing a provision in the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act, 1957, which allowed jailing sanitation workers for a month if they failed to report to work without prior intimation. 'Today I am going to tell you that truth. In Delhi, there was a dangerous law in the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act. There was a clause that if a safai mitra (sanitation worker) skipped work without informing beforehand, he or she could be jailed for a month. Think about it, what did they think of safai karmacharis? You will put them in jail for a small mistake? They now talk big about social justice. They made and kept such laws. It is Modi who is removing these laws and repealing them,' he said. PM Modi alleged that 'those who dance with the Constitution on their heads' had 'trampled' the Constitution and 'betrayed' the sentiments of BR Ambedkar, by retaining oppressive laws for decades until he repealed them. The Prime Minister said that previous governments treated safai karamcharis like slaves. 'I am telling you the truth of how those who dance with the Constitution on their heads trampled the Constitution and betrayed Babasaheb Ambedkar. You will be shocked. It is Modi who is tirelessly finding and abolishing such unjust laws and this campaign continues relentlessly,' the PM said. An MCD official, on condition of anonymity, said that the DMC Act was passed in 1957 and many of its provisions have become archaic and outdated. 'A process of decriminalising various provisions of the Act is being undertaken. Many old and archaic provisions are being removed.' Last year, the MCD had asked all its departments to give suggestions on decriminalising the Act. The decision is being implemented in the direction of the Centre, aiming to reduce the sentence or imprisonment period for various violations. According to the DMC Act, defaulters are expected to face imprisonment for violations in many cases, such as tax payment, obtaining licences from the public health department, illegal construction or encroachments, and violation of advertisement norms (including placing illegal advertisements). 'Though there are barely any instances where we are using the imprisonment conditions, these sections no longer make sense,' the official said. Reacting to the PM Modi's inauguration event, Delhi Congress chief Devender Yadav said, 'BJP issued an order to fill the empty seats in the PM's rally. The level of BJP has dropped so much that now they are taking advantage of the helplessness of government employees to hide its failure.' Even as the AAP and Congress alleged that sanitation workers and teachers were ordered to attend the rally, MCD officially maintained that no official order was issued to workers in this regard.

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