Smithsonian ignores Hiroshima, Nagasaki bombings on 80th anniversary
The Smithsonian's National Air and Space Museum, despite holding the Enola Gay in its collections, is not hosting any events or special exhibits to mark the anniversary on Aug. 6, a spokesperson confirmed to USA TODAY. The museum will instead share information and existing web content about the bombings on social media.
The otherwise unmarked anniversary comes as the nation's museums stand at a crossroads after President Donald Trump's March executive order aiming to restore what he called 'truth and sanity' to museums and history education.
More: Trump sets sights on national African American history museum
Trump's executive order is but the most recent offensive in long-running wars over America's past, including the mid-1990s when a planned exhibit of Enola Gay for the bombings' 50th anniversary sparked a major clash between the Smithsonian, politicians, and veterans' organizations.
Trump White House officials blasted Lonnie Bunch III, secretary of the Smithsonian and founding director of the institution's National Museum of African American History and Culture, as 'a Democrat donor and rabid partisan' in April comments to the New York Times. (The White House did not comment for this story.)
In June, the Smithsonian, in response to Trump's order, initiated a content review for its 19 museums. The National Museum of American History recently removed references to Trump's impeachments from an exhibit on the presidency but said it will soon restore them.
More: Trump fires director of Smithsonian's National Portrait Gallery for allegedly promoting DEI
A 'duty' to history
Two nuclear disarmament advocates with personal connections to the atomic bombings told USA TODAY that they would've liked to see the Smithsonian tackle the anniversary − likely one of the final major anniversaries where a significant number of Hiroshima and Nagasaki survivors remain alive − in a more prominent and even-handed manner.
Ari Beser, a multimedia storyteller and author, is the grandson of 1st Lt. Jacob Beser, an Army Air Corps radar specialist who was the only person to fly on both the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombing missions.
'I think that the Smithsonian has a duty to memorialize history from every angle,' said Beser, a member of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons. 'It's really important to understand the historical context in which these decisions are made, but that doesn't mean we can't learn from the negative consequences of what they did.'
More: Trump targets the Smithsonian. Why? He's afraid and insecure about US history. | Opinion
North Carolina author Kathleen Burkinshaw, whose Japanese mother survived the Hiroshima strike before immigrating to America with her Air Force father, lives today with chronic pain from reflex sympathetic dystrophy that she believes is related to her mother's radiation exposure.
She expressed concern about potentially oversimplified narratives that focus on the war-winning nature of the bombs without acknowledging the human suffering they caused.
'They just hear that (the bomb) wins wars,' Burkinshaw said of the students to whom she speaks about her mother's experience. 'Well, at what cost?'
The Enola Gay controversy
But when the Smithsonian planned a special Air and Space Museum exhibition featuring the Enola Gay ahead of the bombing's 50th anniversary in 1995, attempts to broach the impact and legacy of the weapons set off a political firestorm.
The proposed exhibit, initially entitled 'Crossroads' and later dubbed 'The Last Act,' was to include photos and artifacts from both Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as information about survivors' experiences. One proposed centerpiece: a dead 12-year-old Hiroshima girl's lunchbox, deformed by the heat of the blast, with charred rice and peas still inside.
The draft exhibit would have asked visitors to consider historical debates over whether the bomb was necessary to end the war before a planned (and surely bloody) American invasion of Japan's home islands. Museum patrons also would have wrestled with the dawn of the nuclear age that began in August 1945.
Air and Space Museum director Martin Harwit, a Czech-American astrophysicist, told USA TODAY that his 1950s stint in the U.S. Army as a technician monitoring massive thermonuclear weapons tests in the Pacific made a 'significant difference' to his approach at the Smithsonian.
However, veterans groups – most notably the Air Force Association and American Legion – believed the exhibit script painted Imperial Japan as victims rather than as the initial aggressor in the Pacific War. Despite a committee review in early 1994, the revised script failed to satisfy both the veterans and members of Congress, who believed it still didn't focus enough on Japanese forces' brutality.
Ultimately, the Smithsonian pulled the plug on the exhibit. Instead, the Enola Gay was displayed with very little contextual material; now the plane sits at the museum's off-site Steven F. Udvar-Hazy Center near Dulles International Airport in northern Virginia.
That did not satisfy the critics. More than 80 members of Congress, predominantly Republicans, publicly demanded Harwit's resignation, which he submitted just before Senate hearings weeks before the plane went on display.
Tom Crouch, a key Smithsonian figure involved in producing the scuttled 1995 exhibit, declined comment when reached by USA TODAY.
'I am sure you understand the sensitivity of the topic, particularly now,' Crouch wrote via email. 'I would not feel comfortable commenting on the subject given the current pressures on the Secretary (of the Smithsonian). Sorry.'
'Greater calamities'
Harwit, now 94, argued that Americans need more than just feel-good history about the war. He fears 'people have forgotten all about' the threat of nuclear war.
'As we celebrate the end of World War II, nobody will wish to be reminded that the very nuclear weapons which ended (the war) could someday lead to even greater calamities,' he said.
Davis Winkie's role covering nuclear threats and national security at USA TODAY is supported by a partnership with Outrider Foundation and Journalism Funding Partners. Funders do not provide editorial input.
This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: 80 years after Hiroshima bombing, Smithsonian stays silent

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
Why the U.S. and China Are Playing Nice
Credit - Getty Images The U.S. and the People's Republic of China are strategic rivals in the battle for global leadership in the 21st century. So it was no surprise when President Donald Trump hit China with 20% tariffs in the first few weeks of his second term and then imposed reciprocal tariffs of 34% on 'Liberation Day.' And when Trump a few days later lowered tariff rates for everyone else to calm markets, he quadrupled duties on China to a whopping 145%. But all that now feels like ancient history. Over the past four months, Trump has bent over backwards to be kind to Beijing. The two sides announced a 90-day ceasefire in Geneva in early May, agreeing to reduce tariffs and negotiate their differences over export controls and other issues. (Remaining U.S. tariffs on China are still at roughly 55%, and China's tariffs on the U.S. stand at almost 33%. These are historically high levels, but not sufficient to outright stop trade.) Further discussions in London and Stockholm made enough progress for the two sides this week to announce another extension of the ceasefire, with the White House praising Beijing for being cooperative and flexible in the negotiations to date. Read More: Why Trump Will Blink First on China In the same vein, the Trump Administration has not shut down TikTok in the U.S. despite the fact that it is still Chinese-controlled, in contravention of American law; it denied a transit visa for Taiwanese President William Lai; and it is allowing Nvidia and AMD to sell advanced chips in China despite originally blocking many of these sales, following a pay-for-play deal. So why the sudden about-face on China? It is doubly odd given the U.S.'s simultaneous tough tact toward other members of the BRICS—a rival to the U.S.-led G7 that includes Brazil, Russia, India, and South Africa—not to mention many of America's traditional allies. Three reasons stand out. First, both Washington and Beijing now have proven weapons that are restraining the aggressive instincts of the other side. Unlike others who caved in to Trump's pressure, Beijing retaliated, first with its own high tariffs, and then, more importantly, with restrictions on rare earth minerals, over which they have a global chokehold. Once Trump began lowering most of the initial reciprocal tariffs and calling for talks with Xi, they had confidence that restricting rare earths minerals and magnets would be met not with counterstrikes but with concessions. That includes the Trump Administration backing off imposing new export controls on several technologies and scrapping their threat to 'aggressively revoke' Chinese student visas. Beijing now believes it has perfected the recipe for making a 'TACO' ('Trump always chickens out'). Second, Trump and Xi both have an interest in strengthening economic confidence at home. With persistent overcapacity and price wars across industrial and consumer sectors, 'involution' has become the word of the year in China, a nod to the excessive competition that is hurting local businesses. Xi needs to shore up government finances, consolidate industries, and avoid further international barriers to Chinese exports and investment. The U.S.'s current economic picture is stronger, but constituents in town halls across the country have expressed deep worries about lost export markets, inflation, budget deficits, and a potential recession. Third, both Trump and Xi want to meet each other, most likely in the Fall in Asia. Trump has been signaling his desire for direct communication with Xi since at least April. He wants to assemble a deal that he can sell at home as boosting U.S. business opportunities and stopping the fentanyl epidemic, given China's role in producing most of the precursors in the synthetic opiod that is trafficked to America. The Chinese have played hard to get, privately saying any summit must be preceded by detailed negotiations and planning. Based on my conversations with experts in China in recent weeks, Xi wants to avoid being disrespected, as Ukrainian President Zelensky and other world leaders were during their White House visits. And with Trump making concession after concession, Beijing may want to consolidate its recent gains and aim even higher, perhaps inducing Trump to make further compromises over tariffs, export controls, and Taiwan. Read More: It's Time for Trump and Xi to Meet Although one should not dismiss the value of stable ties between the world's two largest economies, each equipped with massive stockpiles of nuclear weapons, this warming trend is unlikely to last very long. Both sides prefer calmness now because it aligns with their short-term interests. Chinese official rhetoric aside, neither side sees the relationship in cooperative terms, and neither is willing to take major steps to provide strategic reassurance to the other. The underlying fundamental challenges created by the countries' deep divisions over their economic ties, the potential for conflict over Taiwan and other hotspots, and their competing visions of the international order can only be papered over for so long. At some point Beijing may run out of luck, and either not concede enough in negotiations or push too hard to make a TACO, and instead generate a Trumpian tirade or policy overreaction. Trump's unpredictability make linear extrapolations of any U.S. policy or strategy a risky bet. At some point, for either reasons of policy or fashion, the U.S.'s current gentle approach toward Beijing is likely to eventually harden, and for a new scene in the drama to unfold. Read More: Why China Can't Win a Trade War Beijing knows no deal with Trump is permanent. They will enjoy the peace and quiet as long as they can, but they know they need to be prepared for the next round of escalation—whenever it arrives. Other countries, companies, and markets should, too. Contact us at letters@ Solve the daily Crossword

Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Is India committing a blunder by siding with Russia?
-- In a note this week, analysts at Bernstein questioned whether India is 'committing a blunder by siding with Russia,' warning that shifting geopolitical alignments could have 'a significant impact on the India story.' The firm stated that while the recently imposed 50% U.S. tariff on Indian goods 'is in our view the least of the country's worries,' the 'sudden shift in tone and engagement' between Washington and New Delhi is seen as more concerning. The firm stated that U.S. President Donald Trump has 'singled out India for Russian oil purchases,' prompting India to respond firmly, calling U.S. actions 'unjust and unreasonable' and openly defending its trade with Russia. Bernstein highlighted that trade talks now appear 'suspended' and that India seems 'unfazed,' even as reports circulate about Prime Minister Narendra Modi's planned visit to China and a potential visit by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Recalling recent optimism, Bernstein said that as recently as February, talk of doubling U.S.-India trade to $500 billion and reaching a deal by fall 2025 had cheered investors. But instead of reduced tariffs, India now faces '25% (then 50%) tariffs.' The analysts stressed that 'India's merchandise exports to U.S. are 18x that of Russia,' while Russian exports to India are 'fragmented' and largely energy-related. Oil discounts from Russia, they noted, are modest given the extra refining required, asking: 'Are these extra $2-3 really worth the diplomatic shift?' Bernstein concluded with a pointed question: 'Is it worth the risk to protect some industries while closing doors for all others to sell? Or it makes more sense to open up to a developed country, where export opportunities will always trump the incoming imports?' Related articles Is India committing a blunder by siding with Russia? Victoria's Secret Exposed: The Warning Sign Behind the Stock's 52% Collapse These Under-the-Radar Stocks Offer Better Risk-Reward Ratio Than Nvidia 擷取數據時發生錯誤 登入存取你的投資組合 擷取數據時發生錯誤 擷取數據時發生錯誤 擷取數據時發生錯誤 擷取數據時發生錯誤
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Trump's unprecedented, potentially unconstitutional deal with Nvidia and AMD, explained: Alexander Hamilton would approve
'We negotiated a little deal,' President Donald Trump told reporters on August 11, about the developing situation with leading chip makers Nvidia and AMD continuing to do business in China. He explained that he originally wanted a 20% cut of Nvidia's sales in exchange for the company obtaining export licenses to sell H20 chip to China, but he was persuaded to settle at 15%. The H20 chip is 'obsolete,' Trump added … 'he's selling a essentially old chip.' The chips do appear to be quite significant to China, considering that the Cyberspace Administration of China held discussions with Nvidia over security concerns that the H20 chips may be tracked and turned off remotely, according to a disclosure on its website. The deal, which lifted an export ban on Nvidia's H20 AI chips and AMD's MI308, and followed heated negotiations, was widely described as unusual and also still theoretical at this point, with the legal details still being ironed out by the Department of Commerce. Legal experts have questioned whether the eventual deal would constitute an unconstitutional export tax, as the U.S. Constitution prohibits duties on exports. This has come to be known as the 'export clause' of the constitution. Indeed, it's hard to find much precedent for it anywhere in the history of the U.S. government's dealings with the corporate sector. Erik Jensen, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University who has studied the history of the export clause, told Fortune he was not aware of anything like this in history. In the 1990s, he added, the Supreme Court struck down two attempted taxes on export clause grounds (cases known as IBM and U.S. Shoe). Jensen said tax practitioners were surprised that the court took up the cases: 'if only because most pay no attention to constitutional limitations, and the Court hadn't heard any export clause cases in about 70 years.' The takeaway was clear, Jensen said: 'The export clause matters.' Columbia University professor Eric Talley agreed with Jensen, telling Fortune that while the federal government has previously applied subsidies to exports, he's not aware of other historical cases imposing taxes on selected exporters. Talley also cited the export clause as the usual grounds for finding such arrangements unconstitutional. Rather than downplaying the uniqueness of the arrangement, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has been leaning into it. In a Bloomberg television interview, he said: 'I think you know, right now, this is unique. But now that we have the model and the beta test, why not expand it? I think we could see it in other industries over time.' Bessent and the White House insist there are 'no national security concerns,' since only less-advanced chips are being sold to China. Instead, officials have touted the deal as a creative solution to balance trade, technology, and national policy. How rare is this? The arrangement has drawn sharp reaction from business leaders, legal experts, and trade analysts. Julia Powles, director of UCLA's Institute for Technology, Law & Policy, told the Los Angeles Times: 'It ties the fate of this chip manufacturer in a very particular way to this administration, which is quite rare.' Experts warned that if replicated, this template could pressure other firms—not just tech giants—into similar arrangements with the government. Already, several unprecedented arrangements have been struck between the Trump administration and the corporate sector, ranging from the 'golden share' in U.S. Steel negotiated as part of its takeover by Japan's Nippon Steel to the federal government reportedly discussing buying a stake in chipmaker Intel. Nvidia and AMD have declined to comment on specifics. When contacted by Fortune for comment, Nvidia reiterated its statement that it follows rules the U.S. government sets for its participation in worldwide markets. 'While we haven't shipped H20 to China for months, we hope export control rules will let America compete in China and worldwide. America cannot repeat 5G and lose telecommunication leadership. America's AI tech stack can be the world's standard if we race.' The White House declined to comment about the potential deal. AMD did not respond to a request for comment. While Washington has often intervened in business—especially in times of crisis—the mechanism and magnitude of the Nvidia/AMD deal are virtually unprecedented in recent history. The federal government appears to have never previously claimed a percentage of corporate revenue from export sales as a precondition for market access. Instead, previous actions took the form of temporary nationalization, regulatory control, subsidies, or bailouts—often during war or economic emergency. Examples of this include the seizure of coal mines (1946) and steel mills (1952) during labor strikes, as well as the 2008 financial crisis bailouts, where the government took equity stakes in large corporations including two of Detroit's Big three and most of Wall Street's key banks. During World War I, the War Industries Board regulated prices, production, and business conduct for the war effort. Congress has previously created export incentives and tax-deferral strategies (such as the Domestic International Sales Corporation and Foreign Sales Corporation Acts), but these measures incentivized sales rather than directly diverting a fixed share of export revenue to the government. Legal scholars stress that such arrangements were subjected to global trade rules and later modified after international complaints. Global lack of precedent The U.S. prohibition on export taxes dates back to the birth of the nation. Case Western's Jensen has written that some delegates of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, such as New York's Alexander Hamilton, were in favor of the government being able to tax revenue sources such as imports and exports, but the 'staple states' in the southern U.S. were fiercely opposed, given their agricultural bent, especially the importance of cotton at that point. Still, many other countries currently have export taxes on the books, though they are generally imposed across all exporters, rather than as one-off arrangements that remove barriers to a specific market. And many of the nations with export taxes are developing countries who tax agricultural or resource commodities. In several cases (Uganda, Malaya, Sudan, Nigeria, Haiti, Thailand), export taxes made up 10% to 40% of total government tax revenue in the 1960s and 1970s, according to an IMF staff paper. Globally, most countries tax profits generated within their borders ('source-based corporate taxes'), but rarely as a direct percentage of export sales as a market access precondition. The standard model is taxation of locally earned profits, regardless of export destination; licensing fees and tariffs may be applied, but not usually as a fixed percent of export revenue as a pre-negotiated entry fee. Although the Nvidia/AMD deal doesn't take the usual form of a tax, Case Western's Jensen added. 'I don't see what else it could be characterized as.' It's clearly not a 'user fee,' which he said is the usual triable issue of law in export clause cases. For instance, if goods or services are being provided by the government in exchange for the charge, such as docking fees at a governmentally operated port, then that charge isn't a tax or duty and the Export Clause is irrelevant. 'I just don't see how the charges that will be levied in the chip cases could possibly be characterized in that way.' Players have been known to 'game' the different legal treatments of subsidies and taxes, Columbia's Talley added. He cited the example of a government imposing a uniform, across-the-board tax on all producers, but then providing a subsidy to sellers who sell to domestic markets. 'The net effect would be the same as a tax on exports, but indirectly.' He was unaware of this happening in the U.S. but cited several international examples including Argentina, India, and even the EU. One famous example of a canny international tax strategy was Apple's domicile in Ireland, along with so many other multinationals keeping their international profits offshore in affiliates in order to avoid paying U.S. tax, which at the time applied to all worldwide income upon repatriation. Talley said much of this went away after the 2018 tax reforms, which moved the U.S. away from a worldwide corporate tax, with some exceptions. The protection racket comparison If Trump's chip export tax is an anomaly in the annals of U.S. international trade, the deal structure has some parallels in another corner of the business world: organized crime, where 'protection rackets' have a long history. Businesses bound by such deals must pay a cut of their revenues to a criminal organization (or parallel government), effectively as the cost for being allowed to operate or to avoid harm. The China chip export tax and the protection rackets extract revenue as a condition for market access, use the threat of exclusion or punishment for non-payment, and both may be justified as 'protection' or 'guaranteed access,' but are not freely negotiated by the business. 'It certainly has the smell of a governmental shakedown in certain respects,' Columbia's Talley told Fortune, considering that the 'underlying threat was an outright export ban, which makes a 15% surcharge seem palatable by comparison.' Talley noted some nuances, such as the generally established broad statutory and constitutional support for national-security-based export bans on various goods and services sold to enumerated countries, which have been imposed with legal authority on China, North Korea, Iraq, Russia, Cuba, and others. 'From an economic perspective, a ban on an exported good is tantamount to a tax of 'infinity percent' on the good,' Talley said, meaning it effectively shuts down the export market for that good. 'Viewed in that light, a 15% levy is less (and not more) extreme than a ban.' Still, there's the matter, similar to Trump's tariff regime, of making a legal challenge to an ostensibly blatantly illegal policy actually hold up in court. 'A serious question with the chips tax,' Case Western's Jensen told Fortune, 'is who, if anyone, would have standing to challenge the tax?' In other words, it may be unconstitutional, but who's actually going to compel the federal government to obey the constitution? This story was originally featured on Sign in to access your portfolio