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The Dalai Lama's succession struggle could shake Asia and the world

The Dalai Lama's succession struggle could shake Asia and the world

Nikkei Asia05-07-2025
Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama delivers an address via video message to the inaugural session at the 15th Tibetan Religious Conference at the Dalai Lama Library and Archive in the northern hill town of Dharamshala, India, on July 2. © Reuters
Brahma Chellaney, a professor of strategic studies at the independent New Delhi-based Centre for Policy Research and fellow at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin, is the author of nine books, including "Water: Asia's New Battleground," which won the Bernard Schwartz Book Award.
With the Dalai Lama turning 90 on July 6, anxiety over his succession has reached a critical point. For Tibetans, the stakes are existential. But for China, the potential vacancy offers a strategic opening to tighten its grip on Tibetan Buddhism.
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Dispelling the myth of Yasukuni Shrine
Dispelling the myth of Yasukuni Shrine

Japan Times

time26 minutes ago

  • Japan Times

Dispelling the myth of Yasukuni Shrine

Of all the historical issues surrounding Japan and the war period, Yasukuni Shrine is the one that continues to generate the most controversy. For decades, the shrine has been a lightning rod — especially as it has been used by some of Japan's neighbors as a convenient means to shift attention away from their domestic issues. Beijing and Seoul have falsely spun visits by Japanese leaders to the shrine — particularly around Aug. 15 — as an attempt to glorify Japan's wartime deeds, citing the fact that 14 individuals convicted as Class-A war criminals are enshrined there among the millions of Japanese and non-Japanese who fought for the country. Many in the Western media have resorted to simplistically describing it as a 'war shrine,' as if to fit the false narrative that the place is a symbol of Japan's past militarism. Some others criticize the presence of the Yushukan Museum on the premises, which detractors argue is further proof of ulterior motives. Much of the controversy stems from a lack of understanding of Japanese culture and the Shinto religion. So, what is Yasukuni Shrine? Shinto beliefs Emperor Meiji established Yasukuni Shrine in 1869 in Tokyo, very close to the current Imperial Palace, expressly to honor the eirei, or spirits, of those who died in civil wars beginning in 1853 that ended the 250-year-old reign of the Tokugawa shogunate to restore political power to the emperor. Those who died fighting for the pro-imperial side were enshrined in Yasukuni, as they perished for their country. The name Yasukuni literally means "to preserve peace for the entire nation." The shrine's founding objective was to promote peace within the nation and cultivate a peaceful society. Japanese Shinto priests attend a ritual during an autumn festival at Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo on Oct. 17. | REUTERS In Japan, a division of labor has existed between religious groups for over 1,500 years. Buddhist temples assumed primary responsibility for conducting rituals for the dead and offering burial plots within temple grounds for the remains of the deceased. On the other hand, Shinto shrines became holy grounds to obtain blessings for newly born children, mark the transition to adulthood, secure the safe construction of new homes and buildings and offer prayers for a new job, good health and a bountiful harvest (though less common, some Japanese choose to perform Shinto funerals). From the 1900s, they also began to conduct weddings. As a Shinto shrine, there have never been, nor will there ever be, graves, burial plots or any physical human remains present within the grounds of Yasukuni Shrine. Instead, Yasukuni enshrines, through a Shinto ritual process, the spirits of over 2,466,000 individuals who died from 1853 to today while in service to Japan, primarily in the military, but also civilians on government assignment. All of these spirits are treated as completely equal, regardless of their rank or standing in life and irrespective of the war in which they sacrificed their lives, which side or how well they fought or whether they died on the battlefield or later in a military hospital. There is also an ancient belief that the spirits of the dead should be honored with purification through prayer and offerings. For those killed suddenly in war, the need becomes more urgent to pacify and purify the spirits of the dead so they can move forward. The primary role of Yasukuni Shrine is to honor and appease the spirits of all who have died in service to Japan through daily prayer and ritual offerings so that they may rest in peace. And, with their support, Japan may remain at peace. Postwar controversy After World War II, Gen. Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Japan, issued orders to halt government recognition and support of all religious organizations, instructing them to be privately managed and funded. In essence, he imposed a separation of church and state. Since 1946, there has been no government oversight or financial support for any shrine or temple in the nation, including Yasukuni. The shrine was nearly shut down permanently by MacArthur's General Headquarters, or GHQ, after the war ended. Yasukuni was allowed to continue as a registered private religious organization funded by private donations after the intervention of two Roman Catholic priests, Father Bruno Bitter of the Roman Curia and Father Patrick Byrne of the Maryknoll order, who argued that honoring war dead is the right and duty of all citizens. But according to Japanese constitutional law, the government has no authority over how it or any other religious organization conducts its rituals or spiritual practices. Most importantly, Yasukuni is perhaps the only place where the bereaved families of over one million Japanese who died during the war and whose remains remain unrecovered can pay their respects. People visit Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo on the 77th anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War II on Aug. 15, 2022. | REUTERS Japan experienced an estimated 2.4 million military related deaths from 1931 to 1952. The record-keeping did not end in 1945, as the spirits of some 60,000 Japanese who died in Josef Stalin's postwar slave labor camps could only be accounted for until the last of the captives returned home in 1952. The remains of 1.12 million war casualties scattered across a vast area from Russia to distant Pacific atolls have yet to be recovered. Half of those were lost at sea or in locations that refuse ongoing efforts by Japan to search for and retrieve them, namely Russia and China. There are no graves for the one million fallen whose remains are unrecovered. Instead, their names appear in the registry of Yasukuni Shrine as eirei, and prayers are offered daily to appease their spirits. And so, we reach the crux of the political controversy that has yet to be addressed forthrightly and consistently by Japanese political leadership: the 1978 enshrinement of 14 Japanese civilian and military wartime leaders selected, tried and convicted as "Class-A" war criminals by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, better known as the Tokyo Trials. The Class-A defendants were tried under the then-newly established charges of "crimes against peace" and "crimes against humanity," first adjudicated in the Nuremberg Trials in Europe. Yet the Tokyo Trials were the mirror opposite of the well-structured Nuremberg Trials. It had numerous flaws, particularly in the trial design, the unwieldy prosecutorial and judicial staffing, the comparatively lower level of professional competence of justices and prosecutors and the inefficient administration of the trial from start to completion. The Tokyo Trials, which took as much time as the 13 Nuremberg trials, ended with only one main trial. Part of the issues inherited by Yasukuni Shrine were created by the Tokyo Trials failing to achieve the level of universal closure that the Nuremberg Trials delivered. Much focus remains on the 14 Class-A defendants who were included in the registry at Yasukuni in 1978. Yet, at the time Beijing and Seoul did not aggressively level complaints about their inclusion. Their criticism curiously and conveniently coincides with South Korea and China's rise from developing-country status in the 1980s and 1990s, especially when the latter launched its 'patriotic education' that focused on Japan's wartime behavior to foment loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party, which partially claims its legitimacy for fighting off the Japanese Imperial Army. Since the war, Yasukuni Shrine has not arbitrarily selected those who are enshrined. In the past, the Imperial Army and Navy reviewed who would be honored at Yasukuni, including details such as names, ranks, military units, dates and places of death. After the war, separation of church and state became law and the Japanese government was prohibited from directing Yasukuni to take any action. The evidence required for enshrinement was then received by Yasukuni either by a carbon copy of the official death notice sent to bereaved families or presented directly by bereaved family members when they learned their loved one was not enshrined. Yasukuni views its mission as appeasing the spirits of the war dead and honoring the sacrifices made. On May 22, 1980, the Roman Catholic Church joined in that effort. Pope John Paul II officiated at a mass in St. Peter's Basilica, offering prayers for the repose of the souls of all 1,618 Japanese convicted of Class-A, -B and -C war crimes. Yushukan Museum Within the grounds of Yasukuni Shrine, a museum called Yushukan has existed since 1882. Its name translates to a place to learn the stories of those who gave their lives for their country. Yushukan has undergone several transformations over the decades from its original purpose as a war museum to what it has now become in the 21st century: a 'repository of the relics of those who died in war; its sole purpose being to honor the memory of Japanese war dead.' It was closed by the GHQ in 1945, but was later renovated and fully reopened to the public in 1986. It is dedicated solely to telling the stories of the individuals who gave their lives in wars since 1853 and whose names are inscribed in Yasukuni, featuring over 100,000 photos, personal effects, documents and artifacts they left behind. There is no sense that this is a place glorifying war or the weapons that were used, nor to justify any war. A Mitsubishi A6M5 Zero Model 52 fighter aircraft is displayed inside the Yushukan Museum in February 2015. | Bloomberg What stirred controversy — and led to the notoriety of the museum — was that some of the display boards in the 1980s laid out why Japan went to war with the United States from the Japanese perspective. It was an era when outsiders wanted to see what is still in U.S. history books; that Imperial Japan was an evil fascist empire; and that it attacked Pearl Harbor without notice or reason — which is hardly a nuanced or accurate depiction of history. The boards have since been removed or toned down, so the focus is on the individuals, not whose version of history is correct. It is a humbling place, a solemn place and one leaves with a sense of melancholy at the loss one feels. And if you are lucky, you will have a shared commitment to achieving the mission of Yasukuni in building a peaceful country. 'Shrine for peace' Today, Yasukuni sees itself as a "shrine for peace" and not just for Japan's war dead, says Umio Otsuka, the chief priest of Yasukuni Shrine. Mostly unknown within the Yasukuni Shrine precincts, but symbolically sited just to the left (south) exactly in between the main worship hall and the main sanctuary where the spirits reside, is a separate memorial with the appearance of a shrine that was established in 1965 to offer prayers daily to the spirits of everyone who perished in wars around the world, including enemy combatants who died fighting against Japan. The chief priest of Yasukuni and the priests on duty offer prayers there every day. Its name is "Chinreisha," which means "spirit pacifying shrine." Though little known, when Shinzo Abe visited Yasukuni in 2013, he also visited Chinreisha to offer prayers for those who died fighting against Japan. As Yasukuni is dedicated to pacifying the spirits of all those who died in war in service to their country, Chinreisha fits perfectly within its mission. This mission continues with a special prayer service conducted every July for all those who died in the past year, including in the Middle East and Ukraine. In the 21st century, Yasukuni Shrine can be both a place to celebrate the peace that every Japanese has cherished for the past 80 years by remembering those who gave their lives for their country, but also one of the few places in Japan where its citizens can confront the harsh realities of the wartime period that inflicted such pain and suffering on our neighbors. There are two sides to many mirrors. When it comes to the war period, one side reflects what the Japanese tend to see: Hiroshima, Nagasaki, the Tokyo fire bombings and the over one million dead whose remains are yet to be repatriated. The reverse side reflects what others see: invasions, bombings, atrocities and human rights abuses. Both were real. For 80 years, Yasukuni Shrine has made sure that Japan never loses sight of what the war period inflicted on our neighbors while honoring the sacrifices of those who gave their precious lives for Japan. This nation is one of only nine countries in the world that existed in 1945 and has not been a participant in a war since. Japan has been a nation at peace. Imagine a time in the near future when the emperor and empress, a Japanese prime minister and other world leaders visit Yasukuni during the Spring and Autumn festivals, the two most important dates in the year for Yasukuni (not Aug. 15) to give a prayer for peace as they do at other war memorials around the world. It is time. Edo Naito is a commentator on Japanese politics, law and history. He is a retired international business attorney and has held board of director and executive positions at several U.S. and Japanese multinational companies.

India set to allow its private firms to mine and import uranium to help nuclear expansion
India set to allow its private firms to mine and import uranium to help nuclear expansion

Japan Times

time35 minutes ago

  • Japan Times

India set to allow its private firms to mine and import uranium to help nuclear expansion

India aims to allow private firms to mine, import and process uranium as part of plans to end a decades-old state monopoly over the nuclear sector and bring in billions of dollars to boost the industry, two government sources said. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government plans to expand nuclear power production capacity by 12 times by 2047 and it is also relaxing requirements to allow foreign players to take a minority stake in power plants, it was reported in April. If it meets its expansion goal, nuclear will provide 5% of India's total power needs, according to government estimates. Until now, the state has maintained control over the mining, import and processing of uranium fuel because of concerns over the possible misuse of nuclear material, radiation safety and strategic security. It will retain its grip on reprocessing spent uranium fuel and managing plutonium waste, in line with global practice. But to help meet a surge in demand for nuclear fuel as it expands nuclear power production, the government plans to draw up a regulatory framework that would allow private Indian firms to mine, import and process uranium, the two government sources told Reuters. They asked not to be named because the plans are not yet public. The proposed policy, which the sources said was likely to be made public in the current fiscal year, will also permit private players to supply critical control system equipment for nuclear power plants, they said. The Finance Ministry, Department of Atomic Energy and Prime Minister's Office did not respond to requests for comment. Outside India, countries including Canada, South Africa and the United States allow private firms to mine and process uranium. Domestic supply is not enough India has an estimated 76,000 metric tons of uranium enough to fuel 10,000 megawatts of nuclear power for 30 years, according to government data. But the sources said domestic resources would only be able to meet about 25% of the projected increase. The rest would have to be imported and India would need to increase its processing capacity. In announcing its budget on February 1, the government made public its plans to open up the sector without giving details. Some of India's big conglomerates subsequently began drawing up investment plans. But analysts said amending the legislation could be complex. "It's a major and bold initiative by the Indian Government which is critical for achieving the target," said Charudatta Palekar, independent power sector consultant. "The challenge will be to define quickly the rules of engagement with private sector." New Delhi will have to change five laws, including the ones regulating mining and electricity sectors and India's foreign direct investment policy to enable private participation in many identified activities, the sources said.

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