logo
What a 90% emissions cut could mean for EU citizens

What a 90% emissions cut could mean for EU citizens

Euractiv2 days ago
The EU's 2040 climate goal is likely to affect Europeans' wallets – and those of the companies they work for.
Whether a 90% reduction in Europe's greenhouse gas emissions compared to 1990 levels will bring net costs or benefits for workers, households, and industry depends on how EU leaders choose to implement the target – if they agree to it at all.
That decision comes as the European Commission shifts its focus increasingly toward competitiveness and lowering energy prices.
In recent months, calls have mounted to roll back landmark policies like the 2035 phase-out of petrol and diesel cars, or to weaken key measures by outsourcing climate action through international carbon credits, or by capping the price polluters must pay for emitting CO2.
This is despite mounting evidence that failing to act on climate could ultimately cost more – and undermine crucial price signals meant to steer companies toward cleaner technologies like electrification, sustainable fuels, and carbon capture and storage. Rising costs Transport remains the only EU sector where emissions have increased since the 1990s. It is also where the public is most likely to feel the cost of the green transition first-hand – even as more affordable electric cars enter the market.
Business travellers and tourists, for instance, could see airfares rise as airlines begin passing on the cost of sustainable jet fuel mandates to consumers. Fully decarbonising European aviation by 2050 is expected to cost €2.4 trillion in investment, according to the lobby group Airlines for Europe.
The NGO umbrella group Transport and Environment (T&E) warns that by 2030, the transport sector could account for up to 45% of the EU's total emissions – making its transformation critical to meeting climate targets.
Likewise, renovating Europe's poorly insulated homes and replacing gas boilers with efficient heat pumps will bring significant upfront costs for many households, even as these measures aim to reduce emissions and long-term energy bills. The other side of the balance sheet Still, the EU's push to decarbonise energy through renewables is expected to lower energy bills over time and reduce the bloc's reliance on imported fossil fuels – potentially freeing up billions for strategic investments.
According to T&E, the European Commission's own modelling suggests a 90% reduction pathway would cut the EU's oil bill by $75-100 billion a year.
Failing to act, on the other hand, carries indirect but massive economic risks amid rising global temperatures.
'Over the period 2031-2050, the cumulative additional GDP cost of a pathway leading to worse global warming could amount to €2.4 trillion in the EU, compared to the costs under a pathway compatible with the 1.5°C objective of the Paris Agreement,' the European Commission said last year.
And EU citizens are already paying the price for 'extreme weather events that are accelerated by climate change', consumer organisation BEUC told Euractiv.
Making it happen
How the costs and benefits of the 2040 target will be distributed depends largely on how Brussels acts – and how national governments respond.
Some core legislation is already in place, including a new carbon price on heating and transport fuels. To cushion the impact, especially for low-income households and small businesses, the law includes a Social Climate Fund to recycle revenues back to vulnerable groups
But this week, 26 out of 27 national governments missed the deadline to submit the national plans needed to activate the fund.
More broadly, any backtracking on climate policies could derail the price signals these mechanisms are designed to send to the private sector – frustrating many businesses that see the green transition as a strategic opportunity, not a burden.
The risk of being too flexible
The European Commission is expected to allow the use of international carbon credits to meet the yet-to-be-confirmed 90% target. This means investing in climate-friendly projects abroad – like tree planting in developing countries – and counting the resulting emissions savings toward Europe's target.
Proponents argue this could cut the costs of the green transition. Critics – including some promoters of carbon capture and storage technology as well as highly sceptical environmental campaigners – say it would undermine incentives to cut emissions in Europe and delay the development of clean technologies more generally.
'The EU's cleantech industry experiences the greatest benefits when EU climate investments are made in Europe – not abroad. Why should we outsource the benefits that the energy transition provides to countries outside of the EU,' the socialist lawmaker Mohammed Chahim asked.
Greenpeace's Thomas Gelin echoed this message: 'With an effectively lower domestic target, there will be less impetus for businesses and communities in Europe to implement the solutions we need.'
(de)
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The Brief – Danish presidency ditches ‘Borgen' for boring
The Brief – Danish presidency ditches ‘Borgen' for boring

Euractiv

time7 hours ago

  • Euractiv

The Brief – Danish presidency ditches ‘Borgen' for boring

Today's edition is powered by NetworkNature Choose Nature: NetworkNature Annual Event 2025 Choose Nature on 16 September in Brussels to explore how Nature-based Solutions can align biodiversity and the economy in times of urgency. Engage with diverse stakeholders and discover pathways toward a resilient future for people and the planet. Learn more. Register. Aarhus, Denmark's second-largest city and the capital of the Jutland peninsula, is buzzing with journalists, politicians, and thousands of police men and women for the official kick-off of the Danish Presidency in the EU Council. But once the local government, the EU Commission, and President Zelenskyy have departed, the buzz will turn to muffled frustration. Other member countries have seized the six-month tenure as an opportunity to put their country – and their leadership – centre stage. In the second half of 2023, Pedro Sánchez used the Spanish presidency to cast himself as the next European statesman (not that it worked). And Orbán's Hungary launched a mission to 'Make Europe Great Again' – a grand game plan that was disrupted by the European elections in 2024. Denmark, by contrast, prefers to pretend the rotating office isn't really a thing. Even the unveiling of Copenhagen's priorities for its term, usually a celebratory affair for a country, was a downer. The event was even shunned by Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen and led instead by the relatively junior minister for European affairs. The message: This isn't really that important. The last Danish presidency in 2012 was known as the "tap water-presidency", a reference to the cardboard bottles served at ministerials. Expect more of the same. In a blunt briefing with national media, Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen said that expectations should be dialled back. A director of one of the more important ministries told their civil servants: 'The goal is not to be remembered.' 'Let's keep it well-conducted and neat – Scandinavian,' another Danish official told Euractiv. The Roundup Identity and Democracy (and fraud?) – Identity and Democracy, the now-defunct far-right EU group which included Marine Le Pen's Rassemblement National party, has been accused of misusing €4.3 million of EU funds between 2019 and 2024 in a Parliament report. Cheap eats across the Atlantic – The European Free Trade Association clinched a trade agreement with Mercosur, scrapping duties on many agricultural imports. Mercosur-EU negotiations have been slow, with Brussels focused instead on the US and China. Padding Putin's pockets – More than three years since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the EU has yet to cut the flow of fossil fuel cash to Moscow, casting doubt on its promise to end its addiction to Russian energy by 2027. Across Europe A shocking reversal – Berlin has reneged on its promise to bring down electricity taxation rates from one of Europe's highest to the minimum allowed under EU law, lacking current 'fiscal leeway' to make tax cuts. Nawrocki swearing in – Poland's president-elect Karol Nawrocki will be sworn in after the Supreme Court validated his win Tuesday. This is despite continued legal challenges and allegations of voting irregularities. Italy breaks ground on mineral exploration – Italy is launching its first major public geological research push in over 30 years, aiming to uncover critical and strategic raw materials amid Europe's shifting supply chain priorities with a focus on materials crucial to the EU's economy and security. Corrigenda: Yesterday's Brief had the leader of the Dutch Freedom Party as 'Kurt Wilders'. This has been corrected.

Five things to know about the EU's next farm fund
Five things to know about the EU's next farm fund

Euractiv

time7 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Five things to know about the EU's next farm fund

The European Commission's planned revamp of the EU's long-term budget is stirring uncertainty across many sectors, but especially among farmers, who remain the biggest recipients of EU money. Here's what we know so far about how the budget, known as the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), will influence the next Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), with an announcement expected on 16 July. The two-pillar structure Early drafts of the EU budget reform explored merging CAP funds into a flexible "Single National Plan" alongside cohesion instruments. But EU Agriculture Commissioner Hansen said on Wednesday that the Commission's intention to maintain income support for farmers – the policy's first pillar – remains very clear. Farmers' main concern has been that rural development money – the second pillar – would be forced to compete with cohesion funds. According to Jan Olbrycht, a special adviser to EU Budget Commissioner Piotr Serafin, that risk now appears off the table. 'We have the CAP, which probably will be separated with the two pillars… The plot that the rural development can go to cohesion policy is over, is finished,' he said at the Committee of the Regions last week. The real uncertainty now is how much money will go into the second pillar and whether it will be ring-fenced or remain vulnerable to reallocation. Hansen has repeatedly defended preserving the current two-pillar structure. At a meeting with EU agriculture ministers in Warsaw and again this week at the Committee of the Regions, he made it clear that scrapping the two-pillar setup would be a mistake. 'It would be unwise to throw overboard this toolbox,' he said. More power to the capitals Since the last CAP reform, national governments have taken on a bigger role in shaping farm policy through their own strategic plans – a role that's expected to grow after 2027. Speaking at an event this week, Gijs Schilthuis, director for sustainability at the Commission's Directorate-General for Agriculture (DG AGRI), said the Commission wanted to give member states more flexibility to tailor green rules and incentives to local realities. The Commission's May simplification package already proposed giving national governments more room to revise their CAP national plans. Dedicated but decimated? While the overall MFF remains under pressure, the CAP is still expected to receive a 'dedicated budget,' Hansen told Euractiv on Wednesday. According to Olbrycht , the CAP budget will "for sure not be bigger," and farming policy is unlikely to be spared from cuts. Sources consulted by Euractiv suggest that CAP funding could fall by 15-20%, depending on how the budget reallocation is handled. With limited options – raising national contributions, creating new EU own resources, or cutting programmes – some pressure on agricultural funding seems inevitable. Timing There's also uncertainty around timing. The current CAP is implemented through three regulations: the national strategic plans, the Common Market Organisation (CMO), and the horizontal regulation. Last year, Hansen proposed targeted changes to the CMO to boost farmers' bargaining power in the food chain. Work on the file is still ongoing. Meanwhile, the recently proposed CAP simplification package includes amendments to both the national strategic plans and the horizontal regulation – and these, too, are still being discussed. It remains unclear how the Commission intends to launch a broader CAP reform while parts of the existing legislation are being negotiated. According to multiple sources, the 16 July MFF package will likely include a regulation on the single fund, with a CAP chapter outlining basic new elements in the national strategic plans and horizontal regulation. CMO amendments could follow later in autumn. In that case, a full-blown overhaul of the CAP looks increasingly unlikely. From sticks to carrots With the Green Deal and Farm to Fork effectively buried, environmental conditions are no longer expected to be central to the post-2027 CAP. Many of the eco-requirements once placed on farmers were scaled back or scrapped in 2024 in an effort to reduce red tape. Hansen has made no secret of the shift. The next CAP, he said, will focus on incentives rather than penalties – a pivot from stick to carrot. It's not a revolution, he said at the Committee of the Regions, but an "evolution" – likely building on the May simplification package. In his view, CAP funds should target 'those most in need' – namely young, new, and small farmers. But shifting more money toward these groups would require cuts elsewhere, he added. The solution, he argues, would be to cap payments to the largest farms and introduce stronger 'degressivity' – where payouts decrease as the amount of farm aid increases. His proposal is already dividing the EU's main farming groups. Jeremias Lin contributed reporting. (adm, de)

Airlines scramble as dogfight with EU over baggage rules looms
Airlines scramble as dogfight with EU over baggage rules looms

Euractiv

time7 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Airlines scramble as dogfight with EU over baggage rules looms

What should have been a straightforward update to passenger rights rules has hit turbulence in Brussels, as European airlines manoeuvre to keep free suitcases out of cabins before EU lawmakers decide their final approach. On Wednesday, airlines announced they had agreed on a standard size for personal bags that passengers will be able to carry on board for free, claiming alignment with an agreement by EU countries. The "guaranteed dimensions" of 40x30x15cm would be in place "by the end of the 2025 summer season," the trade association Airlines for Europe said on Wednesday. 'Carriers will continue to permit larger personal items at their discretion.' This modestly sized "personal item" – actually smaller than what no-frills carrier Ryanair currently allows for free – is what national governments have agreed should be the bare minimum. Last month, the European Parliament's transport committee decided that passengers should be allowed an additional small suitcase of up to 7kg, also free of charge. However, final talks with the European Parliament have yet to begin, and a source close to the negotiations told Euractiv they are unlikely to start before October. Steven Berger, of Brussels-based consumer rights group BEUC, is sceptical of the airlines' sudden show of flexibility. 'By stating they will comply with the Council proposal, they want to show 'good will' from their side to avoid having a regulation on this, especially to avoid the rules proposed by the European Parliament,' he told Euractiv. The size proposed by EU governments is 'ridiculously small' and setting it as a formal EU standard would be 'detrimental' to consumers, Berger added, voicing support for the Parliament's approach. The Council's one-handbag rule, he warned, would legitimise airlines that force travellers to choose between bringing their laptop or a change of clothes. The bag-plus-suitcase allowance backed by MEPs reflects 'the basic expectations of consumers', he said. Beyond cabin baggage, BEUC also wants lawmakers to reject the Council's position on compensation rights. Governments have proposed limiting compensation to delays between four and six hours, instead of the current three-hour threshold. (rh, de)

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store