Iran's government says at least 1,060 people were killed in the war with Israel
Saeed Ohadi, the head of Iran's Foundation of Martyrs and Veterans Affairs, gave the figure in an interview aired by Iranian state television late Monday.
Ohadi warned the death toll may reach 1,100 given how severely some people were wounded.
During the war, Iran downplayed the effects of Israel's 12-day bombardment of the country, which decimated its air defenses, destroyed military sites and damaged its nuclear facilities. Since a ceasefire took hold, Iran slowly has been acknowledging the breadth of the destruction, though it still has not said how much military materiel it lost.
The Washington-based Human Rights Activists group, which has provided detailed casualty figures from multiple rounds of unrest in Iran, has said 1,190 people were killed, including 436 civilians and 435 security force members. The attacks wounded another 4,475 people, the group said.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
24 minutes ago
- Yahoo
AFP journalists sound alarm about dire conditions faced by hungry colleagues in Gaza
A group of journalists at the Agence France-Presse news agency is sounding the alarm about conditions faced by colleagues working in Gaza, saying that 'without immediate intervention, the last reporters in Gaza will die.' In a war-torn territory where Israel generally forbids outside journalists to enter, international news organizations like AFP, The Associated Press and Reuters rely on local teams to get out the news. They've been hampered by safety concerns and hunger in Gaza, where an estimated 59,000 people have died in the 21-month conflict, according to local health authorities. The Society of Journalists at AFP, an association of professionals at the news agency, detailed what their Gaza colleagues are facing. AFP's management said Tuesday that it shares concerns about the 'appalling' situation and is working to evacuate its freelancers and their families. 'For months, we have watched helplessly as their living conditions deteriorated dramatically,' AFP said in a statement. 'Their situation is now untenable, despite their exemplary courage, professional commitment, and resilience.' ADVERTISEMENT One of AFP's photographers, identified as Bashar, sent a message on social media over the weekend that 'I no longer have the strength to work for the media. My body is thin and I can't work anymore.' Bashar has been working for AFP since 2010. Since February, he's been living in the ruins of his home in Gaza City with his mother and other family members, and said one of his brothers had died of hunger, according to the journalists' group. The journalists receive a monthly salary from AFP, but exorbitant prices leave them unable to purchase much food. Another AFP worker, Ahlam, said that every time she leaves her shelter to cover an event or do an interview, 'I don't know if I'll come back alive.' Her biggest issue is the lack of food and water, she said. Since AFP was founded in 1944, the Society of Journalists said that 'we have lost journalists in conflicts, some have been injured, others taken prisoner. But none of us can ever remember seeing colleagues die of hunger.' ADVERTISEMENT 'We refuse to watch them die,' the society said. AFP has been working with one freelance writer, three photographers, and six freelance videographers in Gaza since its staff journalists left in 2024. Representatives for the AP and Reuters also expressed concern for their teams there, but would not say how many people are working for them. 'We are deeply concerned about our staff in Gaza and are doing everything in our power to support them,' said Lauren Easton, a spokeswoman for The Associated Press. 'We are very proud of the work our team continues to do under dire circumstances to keep the world informed about what is happening on the ground.' Reuters said that it is in daily contact with its freelance journalists, and that 'the extreme difficulty sourcing food is leading to their and all Gaza residents experiencing greater levels of hunger and illness.' The agency said it is providing extra money to help them. 'Should they with to leave the territory, we will provide any assistance to help get them out,' Reuters said. ___ David Bauder writes about media for the AP. Follow him at and
New York Times
26 minutes ago
- New York Times
No, Israel Is Not Committing Genocide in Gaza
It may seem harsh to say, but there is a glaring dissonance to the charge that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. To wit: If the Israeli government's intentions and actions are truly genocidal — if it is so malevolent that it is committed to the annihilation of Gazans — why hasn't it been more methodical and vastly more deadly? Why not, say, hundreds of thousands of deaths, as opposed to the nearly 60,000 that Gaza's Hamas-run Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between combatant and civilian deaths, has cited so far in nearly two years of war? It's not that Israel lacks the capacity to have meted vastly greater destruction than what it has inflicted so far. It is the leading military power of its region, stronger now that it has decimated Hezbollah and humbled Iran. It could have bombed without prior notice, instead of routinely warning Gazans to evacuate areas it intended to strike. It could have bombed without putting its own soldiers, hundreds of whom have died in combat, at risk. It isn't that Israel has been deterred from striking harder by the presence of its hostages in Gaza. Israeli intelligence is said to have a fairly good idea of where those hostages are being held, which is one reason, with tragic exceptions, relatively few have died from Israeli fire. And it knows that, as brutal as the hostages' captivity has been, Hamas has an interest in keeping them alive. Nor is it that Israel lacks diplomatic cover. President Trump has openly envisaged requiring all Gazans to leave the territory, repeatedly warning that 'all hell' would break out in Gaza if Hamas didn't return the hostages. As for the threat of economic boycotts, the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange has been the world's best-performing major stock index since Oct. 7. 2023. With due respect to the risk of Irish boycotts, Israel is not a country facing a fundamental economic threat. If anything, it's the boycotters who stand to suffer. In short, the first question the anti-Israel genocide chorus needs to answer is: Why isn't the death count higher? The answer, of course, is that Israel is manifestly not committing genocide, a legally specific and morally freighted term that is defined by the United Nations convention on genocide as the 'intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such.' Note the words 'intent' and 'as such.' Genocide does not mean simply 'too many civilian deaths' — a heartbreaking fact of nearly every war, including the one in Gaza. It means seeking to exterminate a category of people for no other reason than that they belong to that category: the Nazis and their partners killing Jews in the Holocaust because they were Jews or the Hutus slaughtering the Tutsis in the Rwandan genocide because they were Tutsi. When Hamas invaded on Oct. 7, intentionally butchering families in their homes and young people at a music festival, they also murdered Israelis 'as such.' By contrast, the fact that over a million German civilians died in World War II — thousands of them in appalling bombings of cities like Hamburg and Dresden — made them victims of war but not of genocide. The aim of the Allies was to defeat the Nazis for leading Germany into war, not to wipe out Germans simply for being German. In response, Israel's inveterate critics note the scale of destruction in Gaza. They also point to a handful of remarks by a few Israeli politicians dehumanizing Gazans and promising brutal retaliation. But furious comments in the wake of Hamas's Oct. 7 atrocities hardly amount to a Wannsee conference, and I am aware of no evidence of an Israeli plan to deliberately target and kill Gazan civilians. As for the destruction in Gaza, it is indeed immense. There are important questions to be asked about the tactics Israel has used, most recently when it comes to the chaotic food distribution system it has attempted to set up as a way of depriving Hamas of control of the food supply. And hardly any military in history has gone to war without at least some of its soldiers committing war crimes. That includes Israel in this war — and America in nearly all of our wars, including World War II, when some of our greatest generation bombed schools accidentally or murdered P.O.W.s in cold blood. But bungled humanitarian schemes or trigger-happy soldiers or strikes that hit the wrong target or politicians reaching for vengeful sound bites do not come close to adding up to genocide. They are war in its usual tragic dimensions. What is unusual about Gaza is the cynical and criminal way Hamas has chosen to wage war. In Ukraine, when Russia attacks with missiles, drones or artillery, civilians go underground while the Ukrainian military stays aboveground to fight. In Gaza, it's the reverse: Hamas hides and feeds and preserves itself in its vast warren of tunnels rather than open them to civilians for protection. These tactics, which are war crimes in themselves, make it difficult for Israel to achieve its war aims: the return of its hostages and the elimination of Hamas as a military and political force so that Israel may never again be threatened with another Oct. 7. Those twin aims were and remain entirely justifiable — and would bring the killing in Gaza to an end if Hamas simply handed over the hostages and surrendered. Those are demands one almost never hears from Israel's supposedly evenhanded accusers. It's also worth asking how the United States would operate in similar circumstances. As it happens, we know. In 2016 and 2017, under Barack Obama and Trump, the United States aided the government of Iraq in retaking the city of Mosul, which was captured by the Islamic State three years earlier and turned into a booby-trapped, underground fortress. Here's a description in The Times of the way the war was waged to eliminate ISIS. As Iraqi forces have advanced, American airstrikes have at times leveled entire blocks — including the one in Mosul Jidideh this month that residents said left as many as 200 civilians dead. At the same time, the Islamic State fighters have used masses of civilians as human shields, and have been indiscriminate about sniper and mortar fire. This fight, carried out over nine months, had broad bipartisan and international support. By some estimates, it left as many as 11,000 civilians dead. I don't recall any campus protests. Some readers may say that even if the war in Gaza isn't genocide, it has gone on too long and needs to end. That's a fair point of view, shared by a majority of Israelis. So why does the argument over the word 'genocide' matter? Two reasons. First, while some pundits and scholars may sincerely believe the genocide charge, it is also used by anti-Zionists and antisemites to equate modern Israel with Nazi Germany. The effect is to license a new wave of Jew hatred, stirring enmity not only for the Israeli government but also for any Jew who supports Israel as a genocide supporter. It's a tactic Israel haters have pursued for years with inflated or bogus charges of Israeli massacres or war crimes that, on close inspection, weren't. The genocide charge is more of the same but with deadlier effects. Second, if genocide — a word that was coined only in the 1940s — is to retain its status as a uniquely horrific crime, then the term can't be promiscuously applied to any military situation we don't like. Wars are awful enough. But the abuse of the term 'genocide' runs the risk of ultimately blinding us to real ones when they unfold. The war in Gaza should be brought to an end in a way that ensures it is never repeated. To call it a genocide does nothing to advance that aim, except to dilute the meaning of a word we cannot afford to cheapen. The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We'd like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here's our email: letters@ Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, Bluesky, WhatsApp and Threads.
Bloomberg
an hour ago
- Bloomberg
US Sanctions Network Allegedly Linked to Iran-Backed Houthis
The US is imposing sanctions on two individuals and five entities for allegedly delivering petroleum products to Yemen's Houthi militants, just weeks after the group assaulted cargo vessels in the Red Sea. Muhammad Al-Sunaydar, one of the targeted individuals, manages a network of petroleum companies between Yemen and the United Arab Emirates, including the Arkan Mars Petroleum Company for Oil Products Imports, the Treasury Department said Tuesday in a statement. The department also linked sanctioned individual Yahya Mohammed Al Wazir to money laundering for the Iran-backed group, which is designated a terrorist organization by the US.
