logo
SCO Or 'Strategic Complicity Organisation'? India's Fight Against Double Standards

SCO Or 'Strategic Complicity Organisation'? India's Fight Against Double Standards

News189 hours ago
Last Updated:
China and Pakistan's growing nexus is systematically undermining India's security and strategic space
The recent Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meeting held in Qingdao, China, on June 25-26, 2025, once again exposed the deepening strategic nexus between China and Pakistan —and their growing antagonism towards India. The meeting concluded without a joint communiqué after India refused to endorse a final statement that excluded any reference to the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir, which killed 26 innocent civilians. New Delhi had insisted on including the attack, which was claimed by The Resistance Front (TRF), a proxy of the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba. However, Pakistan, with China's tacit backing, blocked any mention of it—mirroring an earlier episode at the United Nations Security Council on April 30, where Pakistan and China successfully lobbied to remove TRF's name from an official UNSC statement. Despite credible intelligence linking TRF to the attack, and the group itself claiming responsibility via a social media post, the final UNSC statement was deliberately diluted. Pakistan's Foreign Minister, Ishaq Dar, even publicly admitted that Islamabad had pushed for the exclusion of TRF's name—an act that indirectly confirms Pakistan's awareness and complicity of the group's involvement.
These actions reveal a deliberate and coordinated strategy by China and Pakistan, with Beijing actively shielding Islamabad—a state sponsor of terrorism against India—from international accountability. By obstructing efforts to address cross-border terrorism and weakening multilateral counterterrorism mechanisms, they pose a direct threat to India's national security and diplomatic interests.
The Expanding China-Pakistan Strategic Nexus
sharing real-time satellite-based ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) data with Islamabad. China has integrated its ISR networks with Pakistan's, deploying defence satellites and assisting in reorganising Pakistan's radar and air defence systems. During Operation Sindoor in May 2025 —launched in the aftermath of the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack—China not only supplied intelligence on Indian targets but also reportedly helped redeploy Pakistan's radar coverage to better monitor Indian military movements.
According to strategic analyst Iqbal Chand Malhotra, this joint ISR and missile cooperation 'underscores a calculated shift toward integrated defence coordination to counter India", reaffirming that China views Pakistan as an extension of its strategic depth.
Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif confirmed the intelligence-sharing arrangement, calling it 'very normal" given the regional security climate. Supporting this, a research group under India's Ministry of Defence noted that China's satellite capabilities and technical expertise significantly enhanced Pakistan's ability to detect Indian deployments.
Additionally, Pakistan deployed Chinese-made PL-15 air-to-air missiles during the skirmish. Although these were intercepted by Indian defence systems, the deployment of these advanced missiles—likely including the export variant PL-15E mounted on J-10C and JF-17 fighter aircraft—demonstrates the deepening military interoperability between the two nations.
Now, in a deeply alarming development, China is preparing to supply Pakistan with fifth-generation fighter jets—at a 50% discounted rate. This is not a routine defence sale. It reflects Beijing's intent to further militarise Pakistan and destabilise India's strategic balance. Clearly, China considers Pakistan an extension of its strategic apparatus in South Asia, using it as a proxy to counter and constrain India.
Beijing pursues a comprehensive and integrated strategic approach. It uses every tool available—diplomatic, military, and economic—while leveraging allies like Pakistan to systematically box India into the South Asian theatre. India, however, has often made the mistake of treating these threats in isolation—formulating separate defence strategies for China and Pakistan, when in fact they are increasingly acting as one coordinated entity.
India's Pushback at the SCO
India's Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, refusing to sign the SCO communiqué, made a decisive stand—reviewing the document carefully on-site and rejecting superficial commitments to anti-terrorism. Footage from the summit shows Singh intently studying the document—clearly aware of the diplomatic trap laid for India.
Singh stated firmly: 'Terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, including its cross-border nature, should be condemned in clear terms. There should be no place for double standards in dealing with terrorists." He further warned that 'some countries use cross-border terrorism as an instrument of their state policy and provide shelter to terrorists. These states should be held accountable." These pointed remarks were widely interpreted as a clear rebuke to Pakistan and its enabler, China.
Unfortunately, some voices within India have mischaracterised this as a failure of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's foreign policy. Such interpretations are misplaced and fail to account for the broader strategic context. The current global environment is far more complex, with China and Pakistan actively coordinating to undermine India's interests, making diplomacy increasingly challenging. China, emboldened by its global ambitions, is using Pakistan as a strategic weapon against India.
The SCO, hosted by China, reflects this imbalance. India cannot control the behaviour of adversarial states—especially when the host country is itself complicit. This blatant double standard exposes their coordinated agenda and willingness to manipulate multilateral platforms for geopolitical gains.
Critics must understand that India's foreign policy does not operate in a vacuum, nor is New Delhi the sole actor on the global stage directing the actions of others. On a geopolitical landscape marked by shifting alliances, asymmetric threats, and strategic deception, many external variables remain beyond India's control. What truly matters is that India continues to assert its national interests, reject duplicity, and hold accountable those who attempt to whitewash terrorism under the pretext of regional cooperation.
China's Hollow Rhetoric vs Hostile Actions
China continues to peddle diplomatic slogans like the 'shared Asian Century", the 'Dragon-Elephant Dance", and the Russia-India-China (RIC) framework. However, these lofty ideas are consistently contradicted by its actions—shielding Pakistan-based terrorists, arming Pakistan with advanced military hardware, and obstructing regional cooperation on counterterrorism. From betraying Nehru in 1962 despite the 'Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai" rhetoric to the deadly Galwan Valley clash in June 2020, where 20 Indian soldiers were martyred, China has repeatedly acted in bad faith, even while professing partnership and regional unity.
China's primary objective remains clear: to contain India's rise, limit its strategic space, and ensure that New Delhi remains preoccupied with continental security challenges rather than expanding its maritime influence in the Indian Ocean. Even if the border dispute between India and China were to be resolved, the underlying geopolitical and geostrategic rivalry would persist, as both powers are rising within the same strategic space and their spheres of influence overlap. Those who dismiss the relevance of 'spheres of influence" in contemporary geopolitics should reflect on recent history: Russia's invasion of Ukraine was driven by its perception that NATO was encroaching on its strategic space. Similarly, China's use of Pakistan and other regional actors to counterbalance India is a clear manifestation of this thinking in the South Asian context.
Beijing's worldview is rooted in realpolitik, shaped by centuries of geopolitical thought and strategic tradition, including the oft-cited belief among Chinese strategists that 'two tigers cannot live on the same mountain". The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), for instance, is more than an infrastructure project; it embodies China's ambition to reshape global power structures and extend its influence across continents. It reflects not only a deep pride in China's strategic heritage but also a long-term vision for global leadership.
The SCO's Shifting Power Dynamics
The very raison d'être of the SCO—counterterrorism—has come under serious question. Despite housing a dedicated anti-terrorism mechanism known as the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), the SCO today is dominated by China and Pakistan, both of whom routinely block any attempt to acknowledge or act against terror groups targeting India. This contradiction has undermined the credibility of the organisation.
As External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar recently pointed out, 'India wanted a reference to terrorism in the outcome document of the defence ministers' meeting, but it was not acceptable to one country". He further stated, 'If you can't get everybody to agree on something as basic as terrorism, then it calls into question what the SCO stands for."
India joined the SCO in 2017, largely at the invitation of Russia, which at the time aimed to balance China's growing dominance within the organisation. However, since the Russia-Ukraine war, Moscow has become increasingly dependent on Beijing, and its ability to counterbalance China within the SCO has significantly diminished. As a result, China and Pakistan have consolidated their influence, often sidelining India's interests.
Nevertheless, India continues to actively engage bilaterally with Central Asian countries and does not rely solely on the SCO framework. The organisation remains one of several platforms for regional diplomacy, and India views it as part of a broader and diversified engagement strategy with Eurasia.
Conclusion
India must stop viewing the China-Pakistan axis through fragmented lenses. These two countries are acting in coordination to constrain India's rise and dilute its strategic autonomy. New Delhi must adopt an integrated strategic doctrine to confront this dual threat.
China's diplomatic overtures—be it talk of shared prosperity, Asian solidarity, or multilateral dialogue—must be scrutinised against its actions. India must forcefully and clearly convey that Beijing's consistent use of Pakistan to pursue its anti-India agenda is unacceptable. China's protection of destabilising non-state actors, defence proliferation, and ISR integration with Pakistan directly undermine India's security and sovereignty.
top videos
View all
The road ahead requires strategic clarity, national unity, and a willingness to call out hypocrisy on the global stage. As India's stature continues to grow, its neighbourhood will become increasingly challenging—particularly with hostile nexuses like that of China and Pakistan working in tandem. It is time India acknowledged this reality and acted accordingly.
Imran Khurshid is Associate Research Fellow, ICPS, New Delhi, and Adjunct Research Fellow, Peninsula Foundation. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views.
tags :
China defence pakistan SCO
Location :
New Delhi, India, India
First Published:
July 06, 2025, 01:40 IST
News opinion Opinion | SCO Or 'Strategic Complicity Organisation'? India's Fight Against Double Standards
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Dalai Lama turns 90: Monk, exile, Nobel laureate and symbol of hope
Dalai Lama turns 90: Monk, exile, Nobel laureate and symbol of hope

Business Standard

time14 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

Dalai Lama turns 90: Monk, exile, Nobel laureate and symbol of hope

On July 6, 1935, a boy named Lhamo Dhondup was born in a small village in Amdo, northeastern Tibet. The sixth of sixteen children, his early life was marked by simplicity and hardship—his parents were barley farmers, his mother remembered as endlessly kind, and his father temperamental but fair. At age two, his fate changed forever. A Tibetan government search party—guided by omens and visions—arrived at Kumbum Monastery and identified him as the reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama. In a series of tests, the toddler correctly recognised possessions of his predecessor, proclaiming, 'It's mine.' This convinced the high lamas that they had found the 14th Dalai Lama. What followed was a wrenching separation from his family and early life in monasteries under strict discipline. In 1940, he was formally enthroned in Lhasa and renamed Jamphel Ngawang Lobsang Yeshe Tenzin Gyatso. The journey from a remote village to the Potala Palace marked the beginning of a spiritual and political saga that would span the century. A monk forced to rule too early Tenzin Gyatso began his monastic education at the age of six, studying under the Nalanda curriculum. Subjects ranged from Buddhist philosophy and logic to Sanskrit grammar and poetry. He would go on to attain the Geshe Lharampa degree, equivalent to a doctorate in Buddhist studies. But the burden of spiritual tutelage soon gave way to geopolitical responsibility. In 1950, at just 15, he was urged by senior monks and government oracles to take on full political authority, as Chinese troops invaded eastern Tibet. Despite efforts to initiate dialogue with the Chinese leadership—including meetings with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in 1954—the People's Liberation Army tightened its grip. In March 1959, following a failed uprising and intelligence about a plot to abduct or assassinate him, the Dalai Lama disguised himself as a soldier and fled Lhasa. After crossing the Himalayas under harsh conditions, he reached Arunachal Pradesh and was granted asylum by India. Building a new Tibet in exile In exile, the Dalai Lama transformed from a besieged leader into a builder of institutions. The Indian government, under former Prime Minister Jawaharlala Nehru, helped establish schools for Tibetan children, rehabilitation centres for refugees, and eventually the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) in Dharamsala, now known as 'Little Lhasa". On June 20, 1959, the Dalai Lama officially repudiated the Seventeen-Point Agreement signed under duress with China. He announced his vision for a democratic Tibet and began creating a system of self-governance among the refugees. In 1963, he introduced the Charter of Tibetans in Exile, laying the foundation for a democratic polity with legislative, executive and judicial branches. By 2001, Tibetans in exile were electing their political leader—the Kalon Tripa—through universal adult franchise. In 2011, the Dalai Lama formally devolved his political authority, ending a 368-year-old tradition of spiritual-political rule. 'I am now a retired monk,' he said, even as he remained the symbolic heartbeat of the Tibetan cause. A global symbol of compassion and resistance While he remained stateless, the Dalai Lama became a citizen of the world. Travelling to over 67 countries, meeting leaders, scientists, religious scholars and activists, he carried a message of compassion, interdependence and non-violence. His 1987 Five-Point Peace Plan, proposed before the US Congress, called for Tibet to be declared a zone of peace and demanded protection of Tibet's fragile ecology and culture. In 1989, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his advocacy of non-violent struggle in the face of aggression. The Nobel Committee praised his consistent opposition to the use of violence and his concern for global environmental issues. Through the Mind and Life Institute, he fostered dialogue between Buddhist monks and scientists on topics such as neurobiology, consciousness, and emotional regulation—creating a bridge between ancient wisdom and modern science. Question of succession As he enters his tenth decade, the Dalai Lama has turned focus to a question that carries deep spiritual and political weight: his succession. In 2011, he issued a formal statement detailing how a 15th Dalai Lama could be recognised—through traditional Buddhist procedures involving senior lamas and divination rituals—not political appointments. On July 2, 2025, he made it clear that the authority to recognise his reincarnation rests solely with the Gaden Phodrang Trust established by him. Dalai Lama has repeatedly said that any successor selected by Beijing would not be accepted. 'In order (for the) Chinese government to take responsibility for reincarnation in general, particularly me, first, Chinese communists should accept the theory of rebirth,' he had remarked in 2017. Legacy beyond Tibet Today, the Dalai Lama remains a towering moral figure, even without territorial power. His life has become emblematic of the spiritual resilience of Tibet and a broader global yearning for moral clarity in an age of polarisation and authoritarianism. From a farming family in a forgotten Tibetan village to becoming the face of non-violent resistance and interfaith dialogue, his journey is without parallel. He has written over 110 books, been honoured with more than 150 awards, and inspired generations with the simplest of ideas—that inner peace is the first step toward world peace. As Dalai Lama turns 90, the world celebrates not just a spiritual teacher, but a guiding light in today's polarising world. In his own words: "Basically, the universal responsibility is feeling for other people's suffering just as we feel our own. It is the realisation that even our enemy is entirely motivated by the quest for happiness. We must recognise that all beings want the same thing that we want. This is the way to achieve a true understanding, unfettered by artificial consideration."

Is China's Xi Jinping planning his exit after 12 years of iron fist rule?
Is China's Xi Jinping planning his exit after 12 years of iron fist rule?

First Post

time19 minutes ago

  • First Post

Is China's Xi Jinping planning his exit after 12 years of iron fist rule?

New rules suggest that China's ruling party plans to standardise its decision-making process, and that President Xi may delegate some of his power to his juniors read more Is Chinese President Xi Jinping planning for succession 12 years after ruling with an iron fist? According to a report by Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post (SCMP), new rules governing some party organs suggest that China's ruling Communist Party of China is planning to standardise its decision-making process, and that President Xi may be delegating some of his power to his juniors. The new rules, approved on Monday (June 30) by 24-member Politburo, the party's top echelon, would apply on several 'party coordinative institutes'. These are the organisations responsible for coordinating cross-agency policies in a specific area. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD State news agency Xinhua reported that these regulations aim to standardise the policy coordination and review process at the top. Xinhua reported that the new rules say such party institutes should focus on 'planning, discussing and checking on major matters'. Xi giving his deputies more power According to observers cited by the SCMP, this new move underscores a trend that the Chinese president is delegating more powers to his deputies on day-to-day basis. Dali Yang, a political scientist at the University of Chicago, explained that China's new measures under Xi Jinping aim to formalise governance through laws and regulations, bringing greater consistency to operations. 'Especially because he remains himself the chairman of so many of these coordination organs, in addition to his party [and] state titles, all of which need his time and attention, which is not limitless,' Yang said. However, Victor Shih, an expert in Chinese elite politics and finance at UC San Diego, noted that these efforts to streamline high-level coordination bodies don't signal significant delegation of power. 'However, it does seem that Xi might pay less attention to day-to-day details, which necessitates a policing mechanism to ensure that his policy priorities are still being carried out by lower-level officials.' Since 2012, Beijing has breathed new life into long-standing party coordination groups, created new ones, and absorbed entire government offices into them, with Xi chairing most. These steps reflect Xi's push for 'strengthening the comprehensive leadership of the party,' tightening its grip over critical policy areas like economic affairs, national security, reform, and cybersecurity. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Many of these bodies started as 'leading small groups' but have since been upgraded to 'central commissions,' which play larger roles in decision-making and coordinating across key agencies. For instance, in 2020, the party's Hong Kong and Macau affairs group was elevated and now includes regional leaders and officials overseeing national security and foreign affairs. By 2023, it had fully absorbed the powers of the State Council's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. Similar consolidations have occurred in areas like financial stabilisation, religious policies, and engagement with overseas Chinese. Since 2023, these party groups have also become platforms for power-sharing among Xi's top allies. Two commissions launched in March 2023—the Central Financial Commission and the Central Science and Technology Commission—are led by Premier Li Qiang and Vice-Premier Ding Xuexiang, respectively. Meanwhile, Xi's chief of staff, Cai Qi, now heads the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission, overseeing cybersecurity and internet policy—a role Xi himself once held.

‘Enduring symbol of love and compassion': Modi wishes Dalai Lama on 90th birthday
‘Enduring symbol of love and compassion': Modi wishes Dalai Lama on 90th birthday

Time of India

timean hour ago

  • Time of India

‘Enduring symbol of love and compassion': Modi wishes Dalai Lama on 90th birthday

Prime Minister Narendra Modi extended birthday greetings to the Tibetan spiritual leader , the 14th Dalai Lama , on his 90th birthday, calling him a symbol of "love, compassion, patience and moral discipline." In a social media post on X, Prime Minister Modi prayed for the good health and long life of the Dalai Lama. "I join 1.4 billion Indians in extending our warmest wishes to His Holiness the Dalai Lama on his 90th birthday. He has been an enduring symbol of love, compassion, patience and moral discipline. His message has inspired respect and admiration across all faiths. We pray for his continued good health and long life," he posted on X. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Play War Thunder now for free War Thunder Play Now Undo — narendramodi (@narendramodi) On Sunday morning, Tibetan Buddhist monks living in exile offered special prayers at the Dorjidak Monastery near Shimla at Panthaghati to mark the 90th birthday of His Holiness, the 14th Dalai Lama. Live Events Earlier, on July 5, on the eve of the 90th birthday of the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama , prominent Indian leaders, including BJP leader Vijay Jolly and JD(U) leader Rajiv Ranjan (Lalan) Singh, attended a celebratory event in Dharamshala to honour the revered figure. The 14th Dalai Lama, known to the Tibetan people as Gyalwa Rinpoche, is the current Dalai Lama, also the highest spiritual leader and head of Tibet. The 14th Dalai Lama was born on July 6, 1935, in the small farming village of Takster, northeastern Tibet. At the age of two, the boy Lhamo Dhondup was recognised as the reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama. In October 1939, he was brought to Lhasa and formally installed as the head of the state of Tibet on February 22, 1940. Boy Lhamo Dhondup was later named Tenzin Gyatso, and his monastic education was started at the age of six. Dalai Lama is a Mongolian term that means "Ocean of Wisdom'', and the Dalai Lamas are the manifestations of the Bodhisattva of compassion. Bodhisattvas are enlightened beings who have postponed their own enlightenment and chosen to take rebirth to serve, according to Tibetan Buddhist tradition. The Dalai Lama assumed full political powers in 1950, after the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1949. In March 1959, after the suppression of the Tibetan National Uprising , the Dalai Lama was forced to escape into exile in India with over eighty thousand refugees. For over six decades, the Dalai Lama has been working for the promotion of peace, love, and compassion.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store