Druze-Sunni clashes: Is Israel carving out a new strategic foothold in Syria?

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17-07-2025

Amid deadly Druze-Sunni clashes in Syria's Sweida province, Israel positions itself as protector of the Druze community, raising questions over whether its true aim is securing a strategic foothold in a fractured post-Assad Syria read more
The volatile Sweida province in southern Syria, home to the country's Druze minority, has become the epicentre of deadly sectarian clashes recently, as armed confrontations between Druze militias and Sunni Bedouin tribes have escalated into a broader regional crisis. What began as a series of kidnappings and retaliatory attacks spiralled into one of the most intense outbreaks of sectarian violence since the fall of President Bashar al-Assad late last year.
Reports say over 240 people have been killed and thousands displaced as violence swept through the province. The Syrian government forces were deployed to restore order. Instead, they triggered more unrest, with Druze factions accusing the regime of siding with Sunni Bedouin tribes, fuelling suspicions that Damascus is increasingly hostile to minority populations under its new Islamist-leaning leadership.
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In a dramatic turn, Israel intervened militarily, launching airstrikes on Syrian tanks and artillery en route to Sweida. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defence Minister Israel Katz justified the action as a move to 'prevent harm' to the Druze and enforce the demilitarisation of southern Syria, citing deep familial and historical ties to the Druze population both within and outside Israel.
Why Druze identity is at the core of Syrian violence
The Druze are a religious and ethnic minority whose faith branched from Ismaili Shiism in the 10th century. In Syria, they have traditionally lived in the southern province of Sweida, as well as in parts of Damascus. The Druze have historically avoided aligning too closely with any single political faction, maintaining local militias for self-defence, particularly against jihadist groups like the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, who regard them as heretics.
The fall of Assad's secular regime in December 2024, following a lightning offensive by Sunni Islamist armed groups, has created immense insecurity for the Druze. Though the incumbent President Ahmad al-Sharaa, who led the biggest group and the rebel charge against the Assad regime, has pledged to respect minority rights, his past association with extremist groups and a government dominated by Islamist ideologues have raised alarm.
This is especially concerning given that minorities like the Druze had enjoyed relative autonomy and religious freedom under Assad's rule. Post-Assad Syria has seen several sectarian massacres, including an ambush on Alawite civilians in March, demonstrating the dangers of the country's new religious order, the AP reported.
In Sweida, what began as a checkpoint robbery by Bedouin tribesmen, which led to the assault of a Druze man, soon escalated into widespread tit-for-tat violence. In response, Syrian security forces intervened but many Druze perceived this as an act of aggression rather than neutrality.
Local leaders allege that regime forces have executed 19 Druze civilians, deepening suspicions that Damascus now views the Druze more as adversaries than citizens, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights believed.
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What Israel has to do with Druze?
Israel's military response — airstrikes on tanks, armoured vehicles and rocket launchers heading toward Sweida — was swift and unusually forceful. According to a defence official quoted by The Times of Israel, the strikes were 'exceptionally large-scale'. They carried out to uphold Israel's commitment to demilitarising southern Syria and protecting the Druze. Israel also bombed the gates of the Syrian Ministry of Defence and areas in the periphery of the ministry as a warning to the new Syrian regime.
Israel's rationale is multifaceted. First, there are deep-rooted familial and military ties between Israeli Druze — who are seen as loyal citizens and often serve in the military — and the Druze communities across the border in Syria. Cross-border marriages and family networks are common, especially in the Golan Heights region, which Israel captured in 1967 and annexed in 1981.
Second, Israeli Druze organisations have pressured the government to act, citing the risk of a massacre. For Tel Aviv, failing to respond would have undermined internal cohesion and alienated a key minority group within its borders.
Third — and perhaps most important — this intervention aligns with Israel's evolving security doctrine. Since the Hamas-led October 7 attacks in 2023, Israel has expanded its military posture throughout the region. Southern Syria offers a strategic buffer zone against Iranian influence and jihadist groups. Ensuring that no hostile forces — especially Islamist militants aligned with the new Syrian leadership — gain control of the area is central to Israel's national defence calculus.
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The joint statement by Netanyahu and Katz said, 'Israel is committed to preventing harm to the Druze in Syria due to the deep brotherly alliance with our Druze citizens in Israel… We are acting to prevent the Syrian regime from harming them, and to ensure the demilitarisation of the area adjacent to our border with Syria.'
While Israel publicly frames its actions as humanitarian, the strategic undercurrents are undeniable. Protecting the Druze serves as a convenient and politically palatable justification for a military foothold in southern Syria. It also sends a deterrent message to Damascus that any move that threatens regional minorities or violates Israel's red lines in the Golan area will be met with force.
Moreover, the current turmoil in Sweida could allow Israel to reshape the post-Assad order, positioning itself as a stakeholder in the reconfiguration of Syria. This is especially significant given the ongoing Abraham Accords negotiations, which some speculate could eventually include Syria.
With the US distracted and Russia consumed by its prolonged engagement in Ukraine, Israel sees an opportunity to fill the power vacuum in southern Syria. The airstrikes and cross-border operations fit into a broader West Asian strategy that involves targeted interventions, strategic alliances and the projection of military dominance, especially in areas perceived as vulnerable to Iranian or jihadist encroachment.
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This doctrine of humanitarian-aligned interventionism is not new but has become increasingly pronounced since 2023, as regional instability deepens.
But do all see Israel as their saviour?
Despite the apparent alignment between Israeli Druze and their Syrian counterparts, the situation on the ground is far from monolithic. Many Druze leaders and civilians in Syria remain wary of Israel's intentions, preferring to maintain their traditional neutrality and independence from external powers.
One Druze spiritual leader in Sweida reportedly called for continued resistance even after a ceasefire was announced by Syria's defence ministry, Xinhua reported. This reflects a broader sentiment among Syrian Druze, which is of distrust of both Damascus and Tel Aviv.
Indeed, while Israeli intervention may provide short-term protection, it also risks turning the Druze into pawns in a larger geopolitical chess game. For a community that has historically prized autonomy and local governance, this could prove deeply divisive.
Even within Israel, there is concern over escalation. Analysts fear that sustained military operations in Syria could trigger retaliatory attacks by Hezbollah or Iran-backed militias, especially as tensions rise along the northern front.
The ongoing Druze-Sunni violence in Sweida has provided Israel with both a strategic opening and a moral imperative. By positioning itself as a protector of the Druze, Israel not only reinforces its ties with a loyal minority at home but also legitimises its military presence in a strategically vital corridor of southern Syria.
Yet, the stakes are high. The region remains fragmented and unstable. The new Syrian government, led by Islamist factions, is under pressure to stop what Syrians see as Israeli encroachment, and but the potential for sectarian reprisals or escalation remains acute. This may lead to escalation of conflict, given Netanyahu and Katz's 'commitment' to protect the Druze community.
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Moreover, the Druze themselves are divided — some welcoming protection, others fearing manipulation. As such, Israel's attempt to carve out a strategic foothold under the banner of humanitarian intervention may well succeed tactically but could also entrench the region's fragmentation and fuel further conflict.
What is clear, however, is that Israel's actions in Sweida reflect a broader regional doctrine that in today's West Asia, security, diplomacy and humanitarianism are no longer separate spheres. They are weapons in the same strategic arsenal. The question now is whether this new doctrine will bring stability or unleash even greater chaos.