Record 21.45 million people vote early in Upper House poll
The figure accounts for 20.58% of all voters, the internal affairs ministry said.
Many people may have used the early voting system because the election day was set for the middle of a three-day weekend.
Early voting for the Upper House election began on July 4, a day after the start of the official campaign period. The number is expected to increase once Saturday's voters are included.
The previous record for early voters was 21,379,977 in the 2017 election for the Lower House. The record high for an Upper House election was 19,613,475 in 2022.
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Japan Times
2 hours ago
- Japan Times
Japan's strategic blind spot in the heart of Europe
Standing in Budapest's bustling Monori Center, which serves as the Hungarian capital's Chinatown, the contrast is stark. Chinese electronics shops neighbor Korean beauty stores while BYD electric vehicles glide past restaurants serving authentic Sichuan cuisine. K-pop music drifts from a nearby cafe where Hungarian teenagers discuss the latest South Korean drama. Yet amid this vibrant Asian commercial ecosystem, Japan's presence is conspicuously absent. This void represents not just missed business opportunities but a fundamental strategic miscalculation as Tokyo struggles to navigate between Washington and Beijing while their strategic competition deepens. The principle of seikei bunri — separating politics from economics — has been Tokyo's foreign-policy cornerstone since the 1970s. This doctrine enabled Japan to maintain robust trade with China while anchoring its security to the U.S. In a world characterized by heightened great-power rivalry, this delicate balance is increasingly untenable. The Trump 2.0 administration's transactional diplomacy treats allies as profit centers, demanding protection payments and threatening tariffs regardless of longstanding security commitments. In contrast, Japan faces economic interdependence with China. With the Asian giant being this nation's largest trading partner at around $350 billion annually, it creates vulnerabilities that China's leaders frequently exploit whenever territorial disputes or historical grievances resurface or when Tokyo makes security decisions Beijing does not like. Yet as Japanese policymakers agonize over this binary choice, they overlook a compelling alternative hiding in plain sight. Central Europe offers Japan a pathway to increased strategic autonomy, providing economic diversification, diplomatic leverage and technological partnerships without the geopolitical baggage of the superpowers. The tragedy is that while China and South Korea aggressively court the region, Japan remains passive, squandering an opportunity that aligns perfectly with its stated goals of economic security and strategic autonomy. The evidence of Japan's absence is overwhelming. Chinese investments in Central Europe exceed €10 billion, with flagship projects like CATL's €7.3 billion battery plant in Hungary employing thousands. The China-CEE Institute in Budapest shapes regional discourse, while the Confucius Institutes proliferate across universities. South Korea's presence is equally impressive, with Samsung's Hungarian battery plant, Hyundai's manufacturing facility in the Czech Republic and the cultural influence of K-pop seen in sold-out Seventeen concerts in Warsaw and Blackpink performances filling Budapest's Puskas Arena. Japan? Beyond legacy automotive investments and scattered sushi restaurants (many run by Chinese or Vietnamese entrepreneurs), Tokyo's footprint is virtually invisible. This despite Central European officials explicitly stating — as multiple Hungarian and Polish investment authorities have confirmed — that Japanese businesses qualify for identical incentives offered to their Asian competitors, including 10-year tax holidays, infrastructure support and expedited permitting. This absence is particularly baffling given Central Europe's strategic advantages. The region offers EU single market access, lower costs than Western Europe, highly skilled technical workforces and governments eager for Asian investment that doesn't compromise their sovereignty. Hungary's 'connectivity strategy,' promoting economic neutrality and bridging East and West, aligns closely with Japan's desire to avoid choosing sides. Poland's growing defense industry seeks partners for advanced technology. Romania's energy sector requires precisely the clean technology expertise Japan possesses. The cost of Japan's Central European absence extends beyond lost commercial opportunities. It weakens Tokyo's leverage with both Washington and Beijing. A Japan more deeply integrated into European value chains would be less vulnerable to U.S. economic coercion or Chinese supply-chain pressure. It would strengthen Japan's voice in global governance, provide alternative markets during geopolitical tensions and create constituencies in Europe invested in Japan's success. So why does Japan remain absent? Cultural distance plays a role as Japanese firms find Central Europe more foreign than Southeast Asia or even America. Risk aversion in corporate culture prioritizes familiar markets over new frontiers. Government support for commercial expansion lacks the strategic coherence of China's Belt and Road Initiative or South Korea's New Southern Policy. Most fundamentally, Japanese strategic thinking remains bilaterally focused, failing to recognize how multilateral engagement enhances rather than dilutes bilateral relationships. But change is both necessary and achievable. First, Japan should establish a €5 billion Central Europe Investment Fund. Create a government-backed fund specifically for Japanese companies entering Central European markets, offering risk insurance, market research and co-investment opportunities. It could be modeled on the Japan Bank for International Cooperation but with dedicated regional focus and streamlined procedures, with priority going to crucial sectors including green technology, semiconductors, robotics and advanced manufacturing. Second, Japan needs to launch at least three innovation centers. Establish technology and business incubation centers in Warsaw, Budapest and Prague. These should not be traditional cultural centers but dynamic spaces combining co-working facilities, technology demonstration labs, business matchmaking services and cultural programming. Staff them with bilingual professionals who understand both Japanese corporate culture and local business environments. Each center should host no less than 50 events annually connecting Japanese technology with Central European talent. Third, create a so-called Tokyo-Central Europe Strategic Dialogue. Immediately institute an annual high-level forum rotating between Tokyo and Central European capitals, bringing together ministers, CEOs and thought leaders to discuss economic integration, technology cooperation and regional security. Unlike existing EU-Japan dialogues, this would focus specifically on Central Europe's unique opportunities and challenges. This would include establishing a permanent secretariat and research fund producing actionable policy recommendations. Fourth, Japan needs to develop integrated supply-chain partnerships. Move beyond simple manufacturing investments to create integrated supply chains linking Japanese technology with Central European production capacity. Cooperation could start with electric-vehicle batteries where Japan has technology but lacks European production scale then expand to semiconductors, renewable energy components and medical devices. Tokyo could also offer technology transfer agreements that create local expertise while maintaining quality standards. Fifth, Japan would be wise to fund a Japan-Central Europe strategic research institute. Establish a world-class think tank in Budapest or Warsaw (or both) with a €50 million endowment, focusing on economic resilience, connectivity strategies and technological cooperation. Unlike Chinese institutes promoting Beijing's narrative, this would be genuinely collaborative, producing research benefiting both regions. Key to its success would be fellowship programs bringing Central European researchers to Tokyo and Japanese scholars to the region. These initiatives would transform Japan's regional presence while strengthening its global position. A Japan deeply engaged in Central Europe becomes a more valuable partner for the United States; not as a dependent ally but as a globally engaged power with diverse economic relationships and strategic options. This would demonstrate to Washington that Japan takes seriously its responsibilities for economic security and burden-sharing. Paradoxically, by developing alternatives to U.S.-dependence, Japan would become a stronger alliance partner. For Central Europe, Japanese engagement offers technology, investment and partnerships without the political strings attached to Chinese capital or the unpredictability of American policy. It validates their connectivity strategies and economic neutrality concepts while providing concrete benefits in jobs, technology transfer and market access. The window for action is narrowing. As U.S.-China competition intensifies, pressure will mount on third countries to choose sides. Japan's traditional strategy of muddling through and trying to maintain seikei bunri while hoping tensions ease is no longer viable. Strategic autonomy requires strategic choices and Central Europe represents a feasible and meaningful opportunity for Japan to create genuine options beyond the Washington-Beijing binary. Stephen R. Nagy is a professor of politics and international studies at the International Christian University in Tokyo, a visiting fellow at the Hungarian Institute for International Affairs and a visiting fellow with the Japan Institute for International Affairs.
Japan Times
2 hours ago
- Japan Times
Myanmar junta ends 4½-year state of emergency in election run-up
Myanmar's junta ended its state of emergency on Thursday after 4½ years, ramping up plans for a December election that opposition groups pledged to boycott and monitors said will be used to consolidate the military's power. The military declared a state of emergency in February 2021 as it deposed the civilian government of democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi, sparking a multi-sided civil war that has claimed thousands of lives. The order gave junta chief Min Aung Hlaing supreme power over the legislature, executive and judiciary — but he has recently touted elections as an off-ramp to the conflict. Opposition groups including ex-lawmakers ousted in the coup have pledged to snub the poll, which a U.N. expert last month dismissed as "a fraud" designed to legitimize the military's continuing rule. The junta seized power making unsubstantiated claims of fraud in a 2020 election that Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won in a landslide. She remains jailed alongside their other top leaders. "The state of emergency is abolished today in order for the country to hold elections on the path to a multi-party democracy," junta spokesman Zaw Min Tun said in a voice message shared with reporters. "Elections will be held within six months," he added. An order signed by Min Aung Hlaing cancelled the emergency rule that handed power to him as the armed forces chief, returning it to the head of state. However, he also occupies that office as the country's acting president. "We have already passed the first chapter," Min Aung Hlaing said in a speech in Naypyidaw reported in state newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar on Thursday. "Now, we are starting the second chapter," he told members of the junta's administration council at what the newspaper called an "honorary ceremony" for its members. No date set Analysts predict that following the election Min Aung Hlaing will keep a role as either president or armed forces chief and consolidate power in that office, thereby extending his tenure as de facto ruler. A flurry of notices announced a new "Union Government" had been formed alongside a "National Security and Peace Commission" to oversee defense and the election process, both led by him. "The upcoming election will be held this December, and efforts will be made to enable all eligible voters to cast their ballots," The Global New Light of Myanmar reported, paraphrasing another part of his speech. A foreign ministry spokesman of junta ally China said Beijing supports "Myanmar's various parties and factions properly resolving differences through political means under the constitutional and legal framework." No exact date for the poll has been announced by the junta, but political parties are being registered while training sessions on electronic voting machines have already taken place. The military government said Wednesday it enacted a new law dictating prison sentences of up to 10 years for speeches or protests aiming to "destroy a part of the electoral process." A census held last year as preparation for the election estimated it failed to collect data from 19 million of the country's 51 million people, provisional results said. The results cited "significant security constraints" as one reason for the shortfall — giving a sign of how limited the reach of the election may be amid the civil war. Analysts have predicted rebels will stage offensives around the election as a sign of their opposition. But this month, the junta began offering cash rewards to those willing to lay down their arms and "return to the legal fold" ahead of the vote.
Asahi Shimbun
3 hours ago
- Asahi Shimbun
Justice minister voices concerns over illegal Turkish residents
Justice Minister Keisuke Suzuki with Oguzhan Ertugrul, the Turkish ambassador to Japan, on July 30 (Yuki Nikaido) Justice Minister Keisuke Suzuki expressed 'grave concern' over illegal Turkish residents in Japan and called on the country's ambassador to help resolve the matter. During a meeting at the Justice Ministry on July 30, Suzuki told Ambassador Oguzhan Ertugrul that the number of Turkish overstayers relative to legal residents is high compared with other nationalities. While acknowledging historically friendly relations between Japan and Turkey, Suzuki requested help in addressing the issue, saying, 'We are taking strict measures against illegal residency in response to growing public anxiety.' Ertugrul said Turkey has been encouraging its citizens already in or planning to stay in Japan to adhere to Japanese laws and social customs. It is highly unusual for a justice minister to directly raise immigration and residency management issues with the ambassador of a specific country and make the exchange public. The meeting was requested by the Turkish Embassy as part of a courtesy call by Ertugrul, who took office at the end of last year, according to the ministry. It was originally scheduled for March. Only the beginning of the meeting was open to the media. There were about 7,700 legal Turkish residents in Japan as of the end of December, according to the Justice Ministry. In addition, 1,372 Turkish nationals were illegally staying in the country as of Jan. 1, making Turkey the country with the 10th largest number of overstayers. With a ratio of roughly one overstayer against five legal residents, Turkey tops the list of the 10 countries and regions with the largest numbers of overstayers, ministry officials said. Thailand, which had the second largest number of overstayers, had a similar ratio, with 11,337 overstayers against about 65,400 legal residents. Suzuki announced in May that Japan would not tolerate overstayers by implementing a 'zero illegal residents' program. The plan calls for strict pre-entry screening, accelerated refugee recognition procedures and deportation of individuals applying for refugee status three or more times. Those with serious criminal records also face deportation. Speaking at the Japan National Press Club on July 30, Suzuki said the issues concerning refugees and immigrants could lead to social division and political turmoil in Japan, as has been the case in Europe. 'In the Upper House election, debates over foreigners received significant attention and unverified information spread over social media and elsewhere, raising public anxiety,' he said. Suzuki said Japan must promote a free and open society, given its shrinking population. 'If the public feels anxiety or unfairness, we cannot gain their support,' he said, emphasizing the importance of realizing a society where Japanese live in 'orderly coexistence' with foreigners, a goal advocated by the government and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. In a development concerning Turkish residents in Japan, Saitama Governor Motohiro Ono suggested on July 28 that the central government temporarily suspend the mutual visa waiver agreement between Japan and Turkey. Kurds with Turkish nationality, many of whom are seeking refugee status, have formed large communities in and around the cities of Kawaguchi and Warabi in the prefecture. Ono said prefectural residents have expressed concerns about the large number of Turkish nationals repeatedly applying for refugee status. Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya told The Asahi Shimbun on July 30 that the government is enhancing dialogue and cooperation with Turkey to prevent crimes and address concerns over immigration and residency management. He said suspending the mutual visa waiver agreement will have a negative impact on relations with Turkey, in politics, economy, culture, tourism and other areas, by stalling corporate activities and slowing people-to-people exchanges. 'We do not believe the situation warrants immediate suspension,' Iwaya said. 'We will continue to engage in thorough discussions with Turkey.' Kurds of Turkish nationality have settled in Saitama Prefecture since around 1990, and the current population is estimated at several thousand. Denied refugee status, many Kurds have been provisionally released from detention at immigration facilities. Since around 2023, discriminatory and prejudiced rhetoric against Kurds in Japan has rapidly spread, particularly on social media. (This article was written by Yuki Nikaido, Azusa Kato and Akira Nemoto in Istanbul.)
