
Ice All but Disappeared from This Alaskan Island. It Changed Everything.
Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post
An island in the Bering Sea, St. Paul has been ravaged by climate change — which has affected the island's economy and community.
ST. PAUL ISLAND, Alaska – This tiny island in the middle of the Bering Sea had recently completed its longest winter stretch in recorded history with above-freezing temperatures – 343 consecutive hours, or 14 days – when Aaron Lestenkof drove out to look at Sea Lion Neck.
It was another warm February day. He saw no sea ice; scant snow on the ground.
Lestenkof is one of the sentinels on the island, a small team with the Aleut tribe who monitors changes to the environment across these 43 square miles of windswept hills and tundra. He is also one of 338 residents who still manage to live on St. Paul, something that has become significantly more complicated as the Bering Sea warms around them.
Over the past decade, steadily warming waters have thrown the North Pacific into turmoil, wiping out populations of fish, birds, and crabs, and exposing coastlines to ever more battering from winter storms. The upheaval in the waters has brought so much change to this remote island, where residents still fill their freezers with reindeer and seals, it has forced many to consider how long they can last.
The warm waters killed off about 4 million common murres – the largest die-off of any bird species ever recorded in the modern era – including almost 80 percent of those that nested on St. Paul. They wiped out about 10 billion snow crabs; caused the collapse of the main Alaskan fishery that relied on them; and prompted the closing, three years ago, of St. Paul's largest source of tax revenue, a Trident Seafoods crab processing plant.
City funds fell by 60 percent. The number of city employees dropped from 43 to 18. The police force disbanded. People moved away. And prices, already high, rose further at the island's lone grocery store – where eggs were selling for $14.66 a carton.
The experience of St. Paul shows how changes to the climate, incremental until they become unmistakable, can ripple through the social fabric. Once a bustling winter hub for crab processing, with stately homes built in the 1920s and a historic Russian Orthodox church, St. Paul is quieter now. On many nights in the island's lone bar, where Lestenkof plays bass on Fridays, they don't bother to put out the chairs.
Lestenkof, 40, went to school alongside more than 100 classmates, he recalled. Enrollment is now 52 students. The Trident plant used to rumble at all hours and hiss out a boiled-crab-smelling steam. The harbor thronged with boats.
'It looked like a city around the whole island, just lit up orange,' he recalled.
When he was young, he would crouch next to his father on the rocky promontory of Sea Lion Neck to hunt low-flying king eider ducks, or Steller sea lions as they swam past. Years later, he helped geologists from the mainland set up stakes to gauge the rate of erosion until eventually the stakes washed away.
The reason, he says, is planetary warming. The sea ice that used to encircle the island almost every winter rarely does anymore, exposing the land to more punishing winter storms that claw away bluffs and dunes, including huge chunks of a hillside beneath the island cemetery.
'We're not freezing in the winter like we used to be,' he said.
He stood on the shore, looking out over the waves to the small spit of land, all that is left of the eroded promontory.
'We used to walk straight across,' Lestenkof said. 'It just took a couple good storms to wash this away.'
The demise of Sea Lion Neck came gradually, then all at once.
A tragic history
In 1923, an official with the U.S. Department of Commerce, Dr. G. Dallas Hanna, completed a draft of his manuscript, 'The Alaska Fur Seal Islands,' after spending eight years on St. Paul, one of four volcanic islands known as the Pribilofs. He found the winter climate disagreeable. He wrote that incessant winds and raw marine air make it 'as necessary to wear proper arctic clothing here as it would be in temperatures of 40°F below zero.'
'Drift ice usually visits the islands every winter,' Hanna wrote.
Each year, the sea ice would spread down from the Arctic and across the Bering Sea Shelf, often enveloping St. Paul in a sheet of white. The island's interplay with this ice and the cold, salty water it left behind, has been fundamental to the teeming web of marine life on the Pribilofs. And those bountiful resources – particularly the millions of northern fur seals that hauled themselves up onto shore each spring to breed – are what made the islands so attractive to the Russians who first arrived in the 1780s.
St. Paul was uninhabited then, but the Russians brought in Native Alaskans from the Aleutian chain as forced labor to kill the seals for their pelts. After the United States bought Alaska a century later, the federal government eventually took complete control of the Pribilof Islands and its fur trade. The native families who lived there were treated as wards of the state until 1983.
The Aleut workers at times were paid in government store credit, often not enough to feed their families, according to 'Slaves of the Harvest,' a history of the Aleut experience on the island by Barbara Boyle Torrey. Children caught speaking the traditional language would have their mouths taped.
The Commerce Department agents who ran the fur seal trade controlled where residents could live, when they could leave the island, and when they could hunt and fish. During World War II, the U.S. military forced residents off the islands for two years and made them live in an abandoned salmon cannery hundreds of miles away, where many died.
Elders who lived through the federal government's occupation of St. Paul recall the brutal conditions, doing hard labor for a pittance and having little control over their lives.
'We were slaves, actual slaves,' said Gregory Fratis Sr., 85, one of the last remaining fluent speakers of Unangam Tunuu, the traditional language of the Aleut people. He recalled that his father was paid $300 as a bonus at the end of a year of seal killing, but earned no salary.
Fratis was in his car at the edge of the harbor as the temperature dropped in the afternoon, feeding raw hot dogs to arctic fox pups that lived in the rocks by the shore. No one else was around.
'Rowdy! Rocky! Come here baby!' he called to the foxes by name, who scampered up to his car. 'Qaqax̂! Qaqax̂! [Kaka! Kaka!] – in Aleut, that means food.'
Fratis had recently attended the Aleut tribe's annual meeting. He was worried about its finances. The declines of halibut, crab, and fur seals – whose numbers have steadily dropped for decades, long after the fur trade was outlawed. He complained about the neglected houses around town not being fixed up.
'The city is the one that's really hit hard. And they have to raise their utilities, I don't blame them,' he said.
They do it, he said, 'in order to exist.'
'Use that word,' he repeated: 'Exist.'
He turned back to the foxes.
'Qaqax̂! Qaqax̂!'
A community unraveled
To St. Paul City Manager Phil Zavadil, the crab crash sounds like silence.
From his perch at city hall, he can see the Trident plant. During winter processing season, it would roughly double the island's population. Its galley functioned as the island's only restaurant. Although many of the workers were brought in from elsewhere, they injected money into the local economy, including at the grocery store, whose business has fallen by about 50 percent, according to its managers.
St. Paul's four-person police department disbanded in 2021; the town struggled to recruit or pay replacements. Alaska flies in state troopers to make arrests from Anchorage, almost 800 miles away.
'It's a logistical nightmare to get out there,' said Lt. Daniel Blizzard, a deputy commander for western Alaska.
Five years ago, 36 of the island's roughly 200 homes stood vacant or uninhabitable. That number has crept up to 48. With no local police force, residents said they feel less safe. In recent months there have been assaults and the alleged attempted kidnapping of a minor, law enforcement officials said. Blizzard and another trooper flew to the island one day in late February to arrest a man who was charged with seven felonies, including sexual abuse of a minor and incest, according to the Division of Alaska State Troopers.
Zavadil picked them up at the airport, set amid fields of grass and wild celery where a herd of reindeer roam. Zavadil now also functions as St. Paul's acting director of public safety, as well as its acting director of public works, harbormaster, volunteer fire chief, and whatever else comes up.
He is a former AmeriCorps Vista volunteer from Southern California who moved to the island in 1998, when its population surpassed 500 people. He worked for the Aleut tribe for 18 years – founding its Ecosystem Conservation Office – before becoming city manager.
'Knock on wood,' he said. 'We haven't had a public safety threat that threatens the whole community.'
Ethan Candyfire served for a couple years as a police officer here before taking a job as the DJ at the radio station. Candyfire coaches youth basketball, paints murals, and plays drums in one of the two island bands.
Candyfire, who moved to the island 14 years ago from Oklahoma, thinks about leaving. He also values the freedom of living here, so far from everyone else, and the bonds of their community. The island still feels wild and timeless. Whales spout offshore. His kids swim in pristine lakes near where woolly mammoth teeth have been found.
Anyone can hunt the reindeer at any time. They are one of the winners as the climate warms. With warmer summers, there is more vegetation, and they feast on wild celery root. The herd has grown to almost 1,000 strong, more than the Ecosystem Conservation Office would like.
With grocery prices so high, Candyfire wanted to stock his freezer with meat. Zavadil taught him how to hunt, skin, and butcher a reindeer. But Candyfire felt rusty. He crept across the tundra, staying low behind ridges until he got in position. When he fired, the herd broke into a run, assembling into a tight, spinning circle, the females and young in the protected center.
He aimed and fired a second time, and missed again.
When he got back to the van he packed up his rifle.
'I guess hamburger helper tonight, not backstrap,' he said.
The collapse of a species
The sea ice that used to envelop St. Paul has done so only once since 2013, and then only fleetingly.
'Now, most years it doesn't come at all,' said Brian Brettschneider, Alaska region climatologist for the National Weather Service. 'And it's not coming this year.'
Since 1940, the average surface temperature of the central Bering Sea around St. Paul has risen 2.4 degrees Fahrenheit – with a particularly elevated period between 2014 and 2021, according to National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration data.
The 2 million metric tons of groundfish harvested there each year are a crucial part of the nation's food supply. Decades of fisheries research here had developed such a finely grained picture of the marine ecosystem that scientists used to be able to predict with startling accuracy the performance of fish and crab stocks even years out, said Bill Tweit, vice-chair of the North Pacific Fishery Management Council, which manages Alaskan fisheries including in the Bering Sea.
Climate change has blown up that confidence, an impact Tweit likened to someone pushing down the plunger on a 'big box of TNT.'
The Bering Sea's record-breaking heat wave started in 2018. Erin Fedewa, a fisheries biologist, saw firsthand the carnage wrought by this explosion during NOAA's annual survey of crab and fish populations as the waters warmed. In 2021, she spent two months on a bottom trawl boat. Three years earlier, her nets teemed with young snow crab. Now they were coming up empty.
Between hauls, she would study the historical numbers and send messages to colleagues onshore trying to express the gravity of what she was discovering.
'Something crazy is going on here,' she recalled thinking.
The subsequent research by Fedewa and others on the disappearance of more than 90 percent of the population found that warmer water sped up the crabs' metabolism and led to a mass starvation event.
The past few years have seen cooler waters in the Bering Sea. Snow crab started to recover and the Bering Sea fishery reopened last year with a small quota, although St. Paul's processing plant stayed closed. Federal disaster funds and a share of tax revenue from crab delivered to other ports have helped stabilize city finances.
This winter, however, ice in the Bering Sea has again been disappointing, part of a record low across the Arctic. And for the past three months, a warm trend has reemerged.
'The southern Bering Sea is in heat wave status again right now,' said Elizabeth Siddon, a NOAA Fisheries biologist in Juneau who leads the Bering Sea ecosystem status report.
'Where did they all go?'
What is happening in those waters will, one way or another, be felt on St. Paul. There is the possibility we may soon know less about why.
The accumulated knowledge of the ecosystem and the sea around it comes from years of work by residents and U.S. government scientists who have been studying it for decades. The Ecosystem Conservation Office has heard from colleagues in federal agencies that funding and staff cuts might prevent their field visits this year.
'All of that work is on the chopping block,' said Lauren Divine, director of the ecosystem office.
NOAA and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service declined to comment on whether research would be interrupted.
The decline of the fur seals that once attracted fortune-hunters to this island from around the world remains a mystery.
Rodney Towell, a NOAA statistician, has been visiting St. Paul to count those seals for the past 37 years. There were about 182,000 fur seals born his first year and 67,000 in his most recent estimate. Whether the driving force is an inability to find food, disease, overfishing, warming waters or some combination of other factors is still largely unknown, he said.
In August, 10 dead sea lions washed up on a beach near Sea Lion Neck, a baffling discovery that confounded the ecosystem office. Its analysis now suggests they died from a toxin in an algal bloom – possibly connected to warmer waters.
Another small erosion in a long decline.
'When I first started working there, it was phenomenal,' Towell recalled. 'You look across the rookery, the cacophony of noise coming up out of that – I mean, it was just stunning.'
That carpet of fur seals now appears as clumps and patches.
'And it's just like, where did they all go?' he wondered. 'It's really disappointing. Almost painful.'
Paul Melovidov, 64, who leads the indigenous sentinel program with the tribe's ecosystem office, described the same experience watching seabirds thin out. The magnificent, uncountable flocks that would descend each spring is something his younger colleagues will not get to see.
'It was paradise,' he said.
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Yomiuri Shimbun
04-06-2025
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Tulsa Announces Reparations for the 1921 ‘Black Wall Street' Massacre
Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post Women and children wait in line for malaria medication at a health center in Nametil, Mozambique, in 2023. The city of Tulsa, home to one of the most horrifying racial-terror massacres in U.S. history and the people who tried to cover it up, has announced a $105 million reparations package that will put dollars and actions toward redress. 'For 104 years, the Tulsa Race Massacre has been a stain on our city's history,' Tulsa Mayor Monroe Nichols said in a speech Sunday announcing the reparations package, which will pump millions into the restoration of families and communities that had their trajectories derailed by the 1921 attack. 'We have worked to recognize and remember, but now it's time to restore,' Nichols said. It was something that families of survivors and victims have been waiting generations to hear. 'This marks a historic moment where the city of Tulsa is not just acknowledging past harm, but taking real steps toward repair,' said Kristi Williams, a justice activist in Tulsa and a descendant of survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. It took decades of research by historians and journalists – and reports and investigations by state and federal commissions – to uncover the violence that claimed more than 300 Black lives, torched at least 1,100 Black homes, led to survivors being put into displacement camps and decimated the prosperous enclave of Greenwood, known as 'Black Wall Street.' More than a riot, 'the massacre was the result not of uncontrolled mob violence, but of a coordinated, military-style attack on Greenwood,' according to a news release that accompanied a Justice Department report issued in January. 'The Tulsa Race Massacre stands out as a civil rights crime unique in its magnitude, barbarity, racist hostility and its utter annihilation of a thriving Black community,' Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke of the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division said in the news release. Reparations for historical injustices have been studied and talked about for years as Americans reckon with the cruelties of the past and how they reverberate in society today. Legislators in D.C., Maryland and California have considered ways to right the societal inequities that resulted, but with little success. In 1994, Florida Gov. Lawton Chiles (D) signed a $2.1 million compensation bill for the Rosewood massacre of 1923. Nine survivors received $150,000 each. A state university scholarship fund was established for the families of Rosewood survivors and their descendants. In 2021, Evanston, Illinois, became one of the first U.S. cities to pay reparations to Black residents. It's complicated to put a monetary value on cruelty and the opportunities it devoured. But the Tulsa case provides clear examples of families and businesses that were impacted, as well as voices that can outline their visions of justice. The reparations will be powered by the charitable Greenwood Trust and built with private capital. The target is to spend $24 million in investments for affordable housing and homeownership; $60 million for historic preservation; and $21 million in scholarships, small business grants and to continue identifying the victims of the massacre buried in mass graves, according to Nichols's plan. 'The Department of Justice's report, while laying out the undeniable facts of the massacre, does seem to suggest that justice – in the context of the massacre – will always be acquainted with an asterisk,' Nichols said. The plan addresses that lingering question of justice, some of the families said. 'We're grateful for the community that shaped these recommendations, and we're ready for the work ahead,' Williams said. 'One of the strongest demands we heard from the community was housing. That's why we recommended $24 million for home repairs and down payments because repair without investment is just rhetoric. The mayor's support shows that Tulsa is ready to do more than talk.' The plan tries to replace the post-catastrophe mechanisms, such as lawsuits and insurance claims, that usually kick in to help victims recover. None of the thousands of White Tulsans who took part were ever arrested; no insurance claims covering the torched businesses were paid out; the suspected attackers are all dead; and the statute of limitations has expired, Nichols said. 'Every promise made by elected officials to help rebuild Greenwood at the time was broken,' he said. The survivors haven't let the city forget. 'For generations, Greenwood descendants and advocates of Black and North Tulsans have kept the flame of justice lit,' said Greg Robinson II, a member of the 'Beyond Apology' task force for reparations. Nichols, Tulsa's first Black mayor, made it a priority. 'The Greenwood community has waited over a century for meaningful repair,' Tulsa City Council member Vanessa Hall-Harper said. 'Our call for $24 million in housing reparations is a direct response to the generational theft of Black wealth that began in 1921 and continued through redlining, urban renewal, and neglect. This moment reflects what is possible when leadership listens to the people, and I am proud that we have a mayor who has done just that.' The attack was sparked in an elevator on May 30, 1921, when a shoeshiner named Dick Rowland stepped into an open wire-caged elevator operated by a 17-year-old White girl named Sarah Page. Witnesses said that Page screamed when the door opened and that Rowland fled. The Tulsa Tribune had a headline the next day that said, 'Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in Elevator,' and Rowland was arrested. Decades later, most historians believe Rowland may have stepped on Page's foot or bumped into her. The charges were dropped, and Page later wrote a letter exonerating him. But simmering racial hatred and the incendiary headline sent a White mob to the Tulsa Courthouse where Rowland was being held. That was a common pattern across America. Newspapers regularly reported on hundreds of lynchings that happened after a Black man was arrested – usually on flimsy charges – and a mob overtook the jail, dragged the prisoner out and executed him. But the murderous search for vengeance in Tulsa went beyond a single person. Black World War I veterans who heard the calls to lynch Rowland went to the courthouse to protect him. They clashed with the mob, and a shot was fired. In less than 24 hours, as many as 10,000 White Tulsa residents, many of whom had recently drilled as part of an organized, militaristic 'Home Guard,' arrived and systematically destroyed the 35 blocks of Greenwood, according to the federal investigation. Witnesses reported that planes dropped turpentine bombs on the burning city. Greenwood had been a uniquely prosperous Black community, with 'a nationally renowned entrepreneurial center – a city within a city where places like the Dreamland Theatre, the Stradford Hotel, grocery stores and doctor's offices flourished,' Nichols said. 'At the same time, churches provided the foundation of faith needed to thrive in a segregated society.' All of it was decimated. 'Personal belongings and household goods had been removed from many homes and piled in the streets,' the Tulsa Daily World said on June 2, 1921. 'On the steps of the few houses that remained sat feeble and gray Negro men and women and occasionally a small child. The look in their eyes was one of dejection and supplication. Judging from their attitude, it was not of material consequence to them whether they lived or died. Harmless themselves, they apparently could not conceive the brutality and fiendishness of men who would deliberately set fire to the homes of their friends and neighbors and just as deliberately shoot them down in their tracks.' The massacre was covered up. Former Oklahoma state representative Don Ross said he had never heard about it until he was about 15 and one of his teachers, a survivor, described it in class. 'More annoyed than bored, I leaped from my chair and spoke: 'Greenwood was never burned. Ain't no 300 people dead. We're too old for fairy tales',' Ross wrote in the state's 2001 report on the massacre. His teacher set him straight. Tulsa finally apologized for its role in the massacre in 2021. Two of the last known survivors, Viola Ford Fletcher and Lessie Benningfield Randle, sued for reparations. The Oklahoma Supreme Court dismissed their case last year. The announcement of the reparations plan restored hope that the city has a commitment to move past the horror. 'June 1, 2025 was the culmination of that commitment,' Williams said. 'Tulsa has finally committed to moving beyond apology to justice.'


Yomiuri Shimbun
11-05-2025
- Yomiuri Shimbun
How a Little-Known Japanese American Battalion Freed Jews from a Nazi Death March
Sandra Singh/For The Washington Post Abba Noar, 97, one of the last survivors of the Dachau death march, at a hotel in Central Munich on May 1. WAAKIRCHEN, Germany – Eighty years ago, Abba Naor was among several thousand Jews and other prisoners evacuated from Nazi concentration camps and forced to walk for days on the notorious Dachau death march – without food or water, often in freezing temperatures. Many perished on the way. On the eighth night, as snow fell and covered the exhausted prisoners, their SS guards – fearing the fast-approaching Allies – vanished. The following morning, American soldiers appeared. But when Naor looked up, the faces he saw were unlike any he had seen before. They were Japanese American soldiers, part of a storied military unit that faced down prejudice and suspicion to fight Adolf Hitler's armies in Europe. Some of them had family members imprisoned in internment camps in the western United States. On May 2, Naor returned to a clearing here in a Bavarian forest, where he and some 2,700 others were liberated, to pay homage to the American GIs who aided him and his fellow survivors. A memorial plaque was unveiled to commemorate the actions of the soldiers, who were the sons of immigrants from Japan – second-generation Americans, or 'nisei.' 'They were angels for us,' said Naor, 97, who was born in Lithuania and now lives in Israel. The tale of the 522nd Field Artillery Battalion, an all-nisei combat unit, is little known but highlights the diversity of Americans who fought against totalitarianism, and serves as a reminder of America's long commitment to the defense of Europe at a time when U.S. assurances no longer seem ironclad. The 522nd was part of the famed 442nd Regimental Combat Team, the all-nisei unit that lived up to its motto 'Go For Broke,' taking heavy casualties in bloody battles in Italy and France. The 442nd remains the most decorated unit for its size and length of combat service in the history of the U.S. military. Though some soldiers had been incarcerated in internment camps, they didn't flinch at the idea of risking their lives to defend freedom, said Rep. Mark Takano (California), the ranking Democrat on the House Veterans' Affairs Committee. It was part of what it meant to be an American, he said. Takano, whose parents and grandparents were interned, had three great-uncles who served in the 442nd. One died in battle in Italy. 'These men made it possible to have a better world,' he said. 'We were not the only ones that suffered' On May 2, more than 150 people gathered at a site in Waakirchen, Germany, that marks the end of this particular death march. Some came from as far away as Israel and Britain to attend the blessing of a memorial plaque and historical panel dedicated to the 522nd. The plaque bears the unit's crossed cannons emblem and that of the 442nd: an outstretched hand holding a torch. 'I can't get over the fact that it was 80 years ago on this very day, that my dad bore witness to these prisoners freezing in the snow,' said Tom Oiye, whose father, George Oiye, was a forward observer in the 522nd. The younger Oiye traveled from Anchorage to retrace his father's steps. 'He'd talked about his amazement at the inhumanity that he witnessed,' said Oiye, 69, as he stood before the memorial. Some of these 'saviors,' as Naor called them, had been among more than 100,000 people of Japanese ancestry forcibly removed from their homes after the Pearl Harbor bombing on Dec. 7, 1941, to 'relocation' camps in the western United States because their loyalty to America was questioned. It was remarkable, Naor said, 'that we [Jews] were not the only ones that suffered. There were other people that suffered because of their religion or how they look.' That these men were in the U.S. Army at all reflects the prowess of the nisei soldiers, in particular a unit made up almost entirely of Japanese Americans who had been drafted in Hawaii before the Pearl Harbor attack. The 100th Infantry Battalion so impressed the War Department with its performance in combat training that in early 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt allowed the formation of the 442nd. 'They were telling me … I wasn't an American' George Oiye was 19 when Japan bombed Pearl Harbor. An ace rifleman and captain of his college ROTC's rifle team in Montana, he wanted to join the Army Air Corps. But his IV-C draft status had him classified as an 'alien,' making him ineligible for military service. 'This always bothered me, especially when they were telling me that I wasn't an American,' he recounted in an oral history. But in February 1943, after the 442nd was activated, Oiye – whose sister and her family were in an internment camp in California – was finally allowed to enlist. At Camp Shelby, Mississippi, he was assigned to the 522nd as a forward observer, to move with the infantry and direct artillery fire. By the war's end, about 650 men had fought with the unit. The 522nd arrived in Italy as part of the 442nd in June 1944. The unit fought with distinction in several pivotal battles, including in the storied rescue of the Lost Battalion in the Vosges Mountains of France. In that battle, eight forward observers from C Battery, including George Oiye, found themselves pinned down by German machine-gun fire. After five days of continuous fighting, the soldiers found the Texas National Guard's 1st Battalion of the 141st Regiment, which had been surrounded by German soldiers for nearly a week. Miraculously, all eight artillerymen from the 522nd survived. By January 1945, the Third Reich was on the verge of defeat. In March, while the rest of the 442nd went to Italy for the final Allied attack there, the 522nd entered Germany. Like most of the soldiers, George Oiye knew nothing about the Nazi concentration camps and the horrors of the Holocaust. 'I didn't even know [Dachau] existed,' he told the Los Angeles Times in 1991. George Oiye and the 522nd were not at Dachau on April 29, 1945, the day the U.S. Army liberated the camp at which at least 40,000 died. 'When we opened the gates of Dachau, it was only then that we truly understood what we had been fighting for,' Lockered 'Bud' Gahs, a 100-year-old veteran of the 42nd Infantry Division – one of three that liberated the camp – said at a recent commemoration ceremony at Dachau. 'We must never forget what happened here so that we never go down this dark path again.' The 522nd on that day were 30 to 40 miles away, moving rapidly southeast chasing the retreating German army. They stopped at Lagerlechfeld, a Nazi airfield close to two Dachau subcamps. By then, though, the camp had been evacuated, its prisoners already on the death march. The following day, the 522nd entered the village of Mörlbach, about 20 miles south of Munich. In a little-known feat, the men liberated an unspecified number of French prisoners, according to a declassified unit field journal. They stayed one night and left the following afternoon. William Wright, the son of the unit's executive officer, Col. William P. Wright Jr., recalled his father telling him before he died in 1990 that the French POWs were held at an old hotel, while the German soldiers 'just surrendered.' Today, virtually no one in the hamlet of Mörlbach, with at most a few dozen homes, is aware of the incident. The owner of the town's only inn, Franz Abraham, said the American forces used the mansion in its postwar occupation. Many in Waakirchen didn't know about the Holocaust, either, said Ludwig Leserer, who was 9 when the death march reached his village on May 2, 1945. As he accompanied his mother to the local cobbler one morning, they suddenly saw 'lots of people' in striped garments 'running out of the forest,' apparently toward a spring. He was scared and shocked, he said in an interview at his farmhouse in Waakirchen. In one unforgettable scene, Leserer said he saw a soldier – now understood to have been an SS guard – ordering a prisoner to get up. When the man was too feeble to do so, the guard ordered his dog to attack. 'The dog bit the man in the face,' and he died in the snow, Leserer, now 89, recalled as he choked up and began to cry. 'It was really a traumatic time,' said Annemarie Höffler, 88, Leserer's companion. She was only 8 but still recalls hearing gunshots at night. Her father, a coal miner, went to see what was going on. He came back shaken, saying there were people lying dead in the snow. On May 2, 1945, George Oiye and other members of the 522nd encountered a sight that would remain forever seared in their memories: several thousand haggard prisoners trudging through the forest. 'It was the most miserable weather you can imagine, sleet and rain and snow,' survivor Solly Ganor recalled in a 1997 oral history. 'Every night you slept … in the woods, or in the fields, and thousands were dying …. most of them were starved to death.' Ganor called the march 'a grotesque attempt to do away with us.' The prisoners heard rumors, including that they were being taken to the Tyrol Mountains in the Austrian Alps, where the Germans would force them to build fortresses to resist the Allies, Ganor said. A 522nd radio repairman, Clarence Matsumura, who was incarcerated with his family in Heart Mountain in Wyoming, recalled years later how 'in an open field, we found several hundred prisoners lying, in many cases unable to move. Some were shot, and some were dead from exposure.' There were a number of forced marches from concentration camps across German-occupied Europe. Of about 7,000 prisoners who were driven south from Dachau at the end of April 1945, more than 1,000 died along the way, according to the Dachau Concentration Camp Memorial Site. 'The guys were barefoot, and some of them didn't have any headwear, and all they had was just this striped bathrobe kind of thing, so we gave them bedroll type of blankets, and gloves, which were Army … wool gloves and socks,' George Oiye recounted in an oral history. At one point, he and a buddy built a fire along the road to warm the survivors. A fellow soldier snapped a photo of them standing near the campfire as three liberated prisoners keep warm. The men of the 522nd, authorized by division headquarters to pause their military mission to provide humanitarian aid, ferried the survivors to Waakirchen, where the battalion had set up a command post in a barn. There they administered medical aid and set up a kitchen. The survivors were housed in a school, the church, and later a displaced persons' camp. The unit stayed only a few days before being pressed to move on – a period so brief and so unpublicized just as the war was ending that few knew about it. Leserer and Höffler appeared surprised to learn that Asian American soldiers had been in their village. Preserving the memories Most 522nd veterans have died. One, now 100, lives in Hawaii. Their stories are captured in oral histories, or passed on to their descendants – often sketchy, sometimes contradictory, rarely documented. One anecdote that has become part of the unit's lore is recounted in a diary entry and in separate oral histories. Battalion medic Ichiro Imamura wrote in his journal during the final days of the war of being with two scouts at a Dachau subcamp, though it is not clear which one. There they saw prisoners in 'striped prison suits and round caps … sprawled on the snow-covered ground, moving weakly,' he wrote. The SS had taken off before the scouts reached the camp, he wrote, and one scout proceeded to 'shoot off the chain that held the prison gates shut.' Two other unit members, including the battalion intelligence officer, said years later that the scout was Sgt. Shozo Kajioka from Hawaii. After first trying to shoot the lock off with his carbine, Kajioka used a .45 pistol, Pfc. Shigeru Nakamura also from Hawaii, said in 2007. The intelligence officer gave the prisoners what food he had, Nakamura recounted. In a 2023 interview with The Post, Kajioka's son Arnold said his father told him that after the incident 'they were under a lot of pressure not to say anything because they might be penalized.' The assertion that the men were, as Kajioka said, 'sworn to secrecy' appears more than once in the oral histories. It is likely a misinterpretation of guidance given to the men later on that they were on a military, not a humanitarian mission, said Wright, 87, whose father, the unit's executive officer, recounted the incident to him. 'You don't talk about' anything not related to the mission, he said. 'You don't put it in your military reports. 'They had very strict orders,' Wright said. 'Stay on mission – do not divert to care for sick or injured people.' 'All the Honor' The May 2 commemoration was organized by a military history buff in Bavaria who was astonished to learn of the Japanese American soldiers' role in his region's history. In his research into the U.S. military presence in World War II, Florian Vðeller, a 41-year-old German Army veteran and volunteer with the local chapter of the German War Graves Commission, repeatedly came across the photo of the campfire and Asian-looking soldiers. He inquired through Facebook groups, and someone told him, 'Oh, it was the niseis.' It was the first time he heard the term. Over the past year or two, his desire grew to honor the 522nd's role in liberating the death march survivors. 'The history of the nisei in Germany is not represented,' Vðeller said in an interview. 'I wanted to change that.' May 2, the day of the commemoration, was scorching hot. Herb Zlotogorski, whose father, Abraham, was a Polish Jew imprisoned in a Dachau subcamp, had traveled from Jerusalem to see where his father had been liberated. As he approached the dedication site, he saw Tom Oiye. Upon learning who Oiye's father was, he embraced him. 'Kol hakavod,' he murmured in Hebrew. 'It means 'all the honor,' ' he told Oiye. 'The honor is not just to my dad,' Oiye responded. 'Not just to the 522nd. But to all those who couldn't be with us.' Oiye said in an interview that when it came to the war, his father, normally an expressive man, 'remained quiet for roughly 50 years. I had no idea other than the photo albums showing pictures of the big guns that he was ever in military service. 'I knew he was in the war, but did not know to what extent.' Oiye was moved nearly to tears when he saw the campfire photo reproduced on the historical panel at the monument site. 'I know how much the story meant to my dad,' he said. 'It becomes real when other people acknowledge it.' Two days later at Dachau, where more than 1,700 people had gathered from around the world to commemorate the camp's liberation, the weather had turned. The rain and cold more closely approximated the conditions from decades earlier. Naor spoke movingly of his childhood in Lithuania, where Jews were able to practice their religion, and 'we had a happy life.' Things changed under the Soviets and then the Germans, he said, and in July 1944 his family was deported to the Stutthof concentration camp in Poland. His mother and brother were taken to Auschwitz, where they were killed. He and his father were sent to a series of Dachau subcamps and became separated. Then one day in late April 1945, the SS guards at the Kaufering subcamp announced the prisoners were being taken to Switzerland to be exchanged for German prisoners. It was a ruse, Naor said, and he and other captives were marched south toward the Alps. Along the way, he said, some were so famished that having found a dead horse, 'they tried to tear the flesh from it with their bare hands, and some were shot by the guards.' They spent the night in the forest. Snow continued to fall. And then, he told the audience, overnight 'the guards had disappeared.' In the morning, a big truck arrived. 'We didn't know who these people were because we never had seen anyone like that before, and as we later learned, they were American soldiers of Japanese descent.' After the remarks were over, Oiye found his way to the front of the tent, where Naor was standing with his grandchildren and great-grandchildren. He took out his cellphone and told Naor he had something he wanted to show him. It was the campfire photo of his father, his father's unit-mate and the three death march survivors. Naor's eyes lit up. 'My liberators,' he said. The two men clasped hands warmly, collapsing 80 years of history in a moment. 'Thank you,' Naor said softly. 'Thank you.' Then, he wiped a tear from his eye.


Yomiuri Shimbun
28-04-2025
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Once an Abortion Clinic, It Now Offers Midwives, Formula and Housing Help
Charity Rachelle/For The Washington Post Tuscaloosa residents and visitors look for clothing at a giveaway organized by the West Alabama Women's Center in late March. TUSCALOOSA, Ala. – Once, it was the sole abortion clinic in this half of the state. Then Roe v. Wade fell, the legislature's near-total ban on the procedure took effect, and the protesters who would mass in the parking lot vanished. Nowadays, the crowd that gathers when word goes out follows the handwritten signs for 'FREE STUFF.' Under towering pines, the front lawn of the West Alabama Women's Center turns into a rummage bonanza – with baby formula, children's clothes and shoes, toys and other donations spread out on blankets. 'It's hard to live paycheck to paycheck,' said Keilani Camara, a mother of three from rural Knoxville, as she perused the offerings at the most recent giveaway. Camara works at a trucking company; her husband is unemployed. 'We can't afford to buy all our kids' clothes at Wal-Mart. Diapers, wipes, food: The economy of it! It's so expensive to afford children.' In the post-Roe world, the clinic has become an unlikely safety-net provider in one of the reddest states – which has some of the country's lowest rankings for maternal and infant health. With billions of federal dollars for Medicaid and related programs threatened in Washington, staff are bracing for a cascade of cuts that would make their work even more challenging. 'What happens when we have a government that decides it doesn't need to take care of its poor?' Director Robin Marty said as she sat in the heart of the clinic, where donated baby dolls from a recently closed maternity home were stacked. 'We are a great net and we are very strong, but we can only hold so much.' Abortion clinics in the Deep South were once bastions of resistance and reproductive health care, especially in smaller cities like Tuscaloosa. The West Alabama Women's Center opened in 1992, hired 16 staff members and planned to become a full-service operation, Marty recounted. 'But there was so much need for abortion that we were never able to really expand.' When the U.S. Supreme Court ended a constitutional right to abortion in 2022, the several hundred patients whom the clinic scheduled monthly evaporated overnight and staffing was cut to just a few positions. Other abortion clinics went further. Reproductive Health Services of Montgomery, the longest-standing abortion facility in Alabama, shut its doors. Whole Woman's Health closed all of its Texas locations. A clinic in Jackson, Mississippi, was sold, while a few elsewhere relocated to blue states such as Illinois and New Mexico. In Tuscaloosa, Marty committed to remaining open and serving the most vulnerable female and LGBTQ+ patients, slowly rehiring and expanding services to meet their needs. The clinic employs eight people, including a community outreach coordinator, a mental health counselor, doulas and midwives – who later this year will be able to deliver babies in a birthing center converted from what was once an abortion recovery room. Many of the 150 patients seen monthly have multiple needs, and the staff test for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, counsel on substance abuse and even fund care for dental needs, a leading cause of miscarriages. They also keep gas cards on hand, since transportation issues often mean patients miss appointments, and help find emergency housing for those in need. A makeshift food pantry started in January is filled with boxes of macaroni and cheese, canned goods and baby food. 'We get a lot of unhoused population who come through here. How are you going to raise a child if you don't have stable housing?' Marty said. 'You can't take a baby home from a hospital if you don't have a car seat. What are you going to do? That's one of the reasons we make sure everybody has car seats.' Outside Alabama's major cities, low-income women have relatively few options. Local health departments often have small staffs, and the wait for basic care can last months. Tuscaloosa is home to a federally qualified health center, with satellite locations serving parts of western Alabama. Another FQHC serves central Alabama. The state's only Planned Parenthood clinic is nearly an hour away in Birmingham. Across much of the South, in fact, reproductive health care has contracted. 'The whole region is strained,' said Usha Ranji, associate director of women's health policy at the research nonprofit KFF. Marty and her staff regularly hold pop-up events offering blood pressure checks, ultrasounds and pregnancy tests to outlying rural towns such as Aliceville, Gainesville and Moundville. Depending on the season, they hand out holiday hams and turkeys. They appear at local health fairs and visit colleges, bringing emergency contraception where allowed. Last month, some clinic staffers were at the main campus of the University of Alabama, which is minutes away. While the schools have their own health services, 'we recognize that not every student is an affluent student who can afford all of that,' Marty said. Plus, with birth control, 'there are a lot of students who do not want to use the health center because that notification will go back to their parents.' Since its start more than three decades ago, the clinic has been tucked away in a sprawling, brown-brick office park. Inside, the waiting room for patients features a life-size cardboard cutout of a Black couple, with the reassurance that 'Breastfeeding is normal.' On another wall hangs a rainbow-colored painting of a woman's profile, captioned: 'To the world, you are a mother, but to your family, you are the world.' The only vestige of the past is a small sticker on the front-desk window: 'Need to be unpregnant?' 'We can't get it off,' Marty said. Midwife Nancy Megginson began working here last fall after seeking permission from the elders of her evangelical church. 'Is it in line with our values?' they asked. Yes, she told them. 'Would you be providing any abortions?' No, she assured them. Megginson, who had just had her fourth child, ended maternity leave a month early to join the clinic and at first brought her infant son with her. She relishes 'being able to problem-solve and address people being underserved.' A quarter of pregnant women in Alabama receive no prenatal care. As a former labor and delivery nurse, Megginson is well aware of the complications that can result. 'This job meant so much, to meet a greater need,' she said. One patient that day had come two hours from her home in rural Thomasville. 'There's nowhere else for me to go,' said Tawney Thurston, 28, and three months pregnant, as she sat in an exam room after getting an ultrasound. 'If this place wasn't open, I probably wouldn't have had an appointment.' Thurston, who will be a single mother, is living with her sister's family and supporting herself with a new retail job. She hadn't yet qualified for private insurance so was relying on Medicaid. Yet, what if federal cuts to the program affect her prenatal care? 'I am terrified. What am I going to do if I lose my insurance?' she said. Clinic staff are also bracing themselves for the future. Medicaid is the primary funder of women's reproductive health care nationwide, and a sharp decrease in Medicaid resources – as advocacy groups worry lies ahead during the Trump administration – would take a big toll on already overwhelmed county health departments. Food banks and other safety-net groups could face steep losses, too. In Tuscaloosa, all of it could send more patients to the West Alabama Women's Center, taxing its nearly $1.2 million annual budget. Twenty percent of its funding comes from services, according to its director, with the rest from private donors and grants. 'If there are cuts, that does have a domino effect on other providers and that can lead to more demand for a clinic like this,' Ranji of KFF noted. With every Medicaid patient it sees, the clinic takes a hit. Federal regulations require a facility seeking reimbursement for services through the program to have a physician with admitting privileges at a Medicaid-covered hospital. The clinic does not – because, Marty says, doctors and hospitals in the area refuse to work with it. 'We're still being punished for providing abortion services,' she added. Doula Crystina Hughes, who had brought friends to the clinic for abortions before the Supreme Court overturned Roe, is now its community outreach director. She started organizing mothers groups and food giveaways after one patient mentioned having nothing to eat but her children's leftovers. 'I'm creating all these events so people don't feel shame and come and get help,' Hughes said. 'If we're doing a visit and you're like, 'My lights might get cut off this month' or 'I don't have food to feed my kids,' those needs have to get met first.' The latest rummage event was a success, she thought. It drew several dozen people, most of them women of color. There were Black women – one was eight months pregnant – but also migrants from Guatemala and Mexico, some documented, some not. In the wake of federal immigration raids across the country, many said they had almost been afraid to come. But they heard clinic staff were trustworthy. Mariana Maldonado, 32, and four months pregnant, was at the event to look for items for her daughters, who are 11 and 14, and her 6-year-old son. 'We need clothes,' said Maldonado, a legal resident from Mexico who works as a house cleaner in Tuscaloosa. Her husband works in construction, but as she put it in Spanish, 'There's not a lot of work right now.' It's been hard finding nearby clinics that will accept her Medicaid coverage and have Spanish-speaking staff, she said. She worries about federal lawmakers cutting Medicaid. Her only alternative if they do? 'Work more.'