
PCB imposes ‘blanket ban' on future participation in WCL
In an official statement, the PCB strongly criticized the organizers for barring Pakistani cricketers and allowing political considerations to influence the event's conduct, particularly highlighting the refusal of the Indian team to play its scheduled matches against Pakistan.
Terming the WCL's apology for 'hurting sentiments' as 'farcical,' the PCB said it inadvertently confirmed that the decision to exclude Pakistani players was not based on cricketing merit but rather a concession to a specific nationalistic narrative.
'This bias, masquerading as sensitivity, sends an unacceptable message to the international sporting community,' the PCB stated.
The board further warned that politically influenced and biased decisions compromise the integrity and neutrality of international sports. It noted that participation in such an environment would be against the dignity of Pakistani players and could pose risks for future events.
The issue was discussed in detail during a virtual meeting of the PCB's Board of Governors (BoG), attended by Sumair Ahmed Syed, Salman Naseer, Zaheer Abbas, Zahid Akhtar Zaman, Sajjad Ali Khokhar, Zafarullah Jadgal, Tanveer Ahmed, Tariq Sarwar, Muhammad Ismail Qureshi, Anwaar Ahmad Khan, Adnan Malik, Usman Wahla (special invitee), and Mir Hassan Naqvi (Additional Secretary).
During the Championship of Legends, the Indian team played only one match and refused to face Pakistan in both of their group-stage fixtures. Despite this, Pakistani players were sidelined, prompting strong backlash from the PCB.
Bilateral cricket between Pakistan and India has remained frozen since 2008. The only brief resumption came in 2012, when Pakistan toured India for an ODI series led by Shahid Afridi, resulting in a series win for Pakistan.
The PCB reaffirmed its commitment to safeguarding the sanctity of the sport and pledged to raise its voice at all relevant forums against politically tainted decisions in international cricket.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Business Recorder
26 minutes ago
- Business Recorder
India: chickens have finally come home to roost
In an interesting but important development, US President Donald Trump has said he 'will substantially raise tariffs on India' over its purchases of Russian oil. In his new post, the US President assailed New Delhi for buying Russian oil and then selling it. Over the weekend the Indian government had said that India would keep purchasing oil from Russia despite Trump threats, prompting White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller to officially accuse India of effectively financing Russia's war in Ukraine by purchasing oil from Moscow. The Indian diaspora or NRIs (non-resident Indians) in North America in particular are being chastised for Modi government's policy of funding the Russian war to kill innocent men and women in Ukraine. India deserved it because it had been trying to appease both the US and Russia simultaneously by pursuing the policy of running with the hares and hunting with the hounds. Now for the Sangh Parivar chickens have finally come home to roost. The consequences of India's bad actions are therefore unpleasant and unavoidable. Sudhir Chaudhry (Chicago, Illinois, US) Copyright Business Recorder, 2025


Business Recorder
26 minutes ago
- Business Recorder
A new contract: how Pakistan can end politics of poverty
'There is always more misery among the lower classes than there is humanity in the upper.' Victor Hugo, Les Misérables. Let's be honest: we don't need another diagnostic. We already know the patient is bleeding. What Pakistan needs now is a surgical plan—practical, bold, and morally sound. For too long, we've accepted poverty as collateral damage in the pursuit of elite consensus and IMF appeasement. But poverty is not an economic inevitability. It's a political choice; we have the tools. The question is: do we dare use them? It begins at the source: revenue. Not just collecting more—but collecting fairly and intelligently. Three big fissures need closing. First, agricultural income: time to stop pretending. We must tax progressively above subsistence thresholds, synchronized across provinces. Digitize land records, use satellite imagery to estimate yields, and enforce returns based on real output. Second, the retail-wholesale sector — our country's backbone — remains untaxed. Use utility, mobile, and point-of-sale data for automatic registration, offer simplified compliance pathways, and blacklist evaders. Third, exemptions: eliminate the alphabet soup of favours. Every tax break must have a limited time-frame or a sunset clause. Any system people don't understand breeds mistrust. The tax code should not be a maze for the honest and a playground for the connected. But it's not just about how much we collect—it's about how we spend. We must flip the budget. Instead of rewarding glossy overpasses, we reward outcomes. Tie provincial transfers to performance on health, literacy, nutrition. Double down on girl-focused primary education—stipends, not just schoolbags. Fund preventive healthcare—immunisation, clean water, maternal support. And if we must borrow, let it be for people, not concrete. That debt pays dividends for decades. The deeper issue is how we define development. We remain stuck in an outdated metric. GDP was never designed to measure human welfare. Nobel laureates like Joseph Stiglitz and Amartya Sen have long argued that a country's economic output is not the same as its people's well-being. Pakistan needs to budget with a dashboard: track HDI by district, inequality via the Gini index, and deprivation through the Multidimensional Poverty Index. Real reform starts when budgets ask, 'How many children ate today?' instead of 'How many bridges did we build?' There's no way forward without confronting what we're doing to our youth. We call it a 'youth bulge,' but without investment, it's more like a ticking bomb. What we need is a national skills guarantee—every Pakistani under 30 should have access to one of three paths: vocational training, digital certification, or an apprenticeship. No excuses. Every district should have youth entrepreneurship hubs—public-private incubators to build solutions in climate tech, fintech, creative services. We should have a Youth Civic Corps that mobilises thousands for literacy drives, urban greening, disaster response. This isn't idealism—it's strategic insurance. If we don't create opportunity, we'll be dealing with unrest. Meanwhile, we must build on what works. The Benazir Income Support Programme remains the country's most robust safety net. But it's frozen in its original form. We need to evolve it. Link payments to real outcomes: school attendance, vaccination, skills completion. Digitally integrate it with NADRA, Sehat Sahulat, Ehsaas, and microcredit channels to build a universal social registry. Add tiers: long-term unconditional support for widows, persons with disabilities, and the elderly. Conditional, time-bound transfers for those who can and want to move up. The goal is not permanent welfare—it's dignity with an off-ramp. But even as we talk reform, let's address the elephant in the drawing room—protocol. We're trying to build a welfare state while financing a spectacle of privilege. Convoys, VIP perks, public security as personal entitlement. Every rupee spent on ceremonial power is one less rupee for public good. Strip it back. Limit police convoys to verified high-risk individuals. Publish the protocol budget of every ministry. Cap perks. All the big-wigs in the state apparatus can fly economy—if they want comfort, they can top up from their own pockets. This isn't about symbolism. It's about credibility. Yet all this will still fall flat without trust. No reform survives without it. The state must show it sees its citizens. Start small but start strong. If you paid for a government service like passport or ID card, and it doesn't arrive within time, it's free. If the passport office has no power, escalate, the portal allows you to complain to next HQ. Create real-time redressal. Provide free legal aid to women, bonded labourers, minorities. A welfare state does not begin with charity—it begins with predictability. With justice. Everything we're proposing here isn't just economic. It's deeply moral. Thomas Piketty, in his work on capital and inequality, showed how unregulated wealth accumulation creates systemic instability. The longer you let inequality fester, the more corrosive it becomes—to social cohesion, to democracy, to the very idea of merit. It's not about punishing the rich—it's about protecting the country, the republic. Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett's landmark work 'The Spirit Level' makes a shocking case: unequal societies are not just unfair—they are dysfunctional. They do worse across everything that matters: crime, education, trust, health, productivity. Pakistan must understand that inequality is not just a side effect. It is the engine of dysfunction. When one class is hoarding plots in gated suburbs while another queues up for food rations, it's not just a fiscal problem—it's a fracture in the national soul. We can either have elite consensus or we can have inclusive development. But we can't have both. What we need is a new contract. A contract that says: if you work hard, you can feed your family. If you pay your taxes, your kids go to school. If you obey the law, the law protects you. That's not utopia. That's Republic 101. The elite will not sign that contract willingly. But history shows that when the middle class and the marginalised demand it together — it becomes inevitable. Pakistan does not lack resources. It lacks resolve. It does not lack intelligence. It lacks intent. Let this be the decade we chose differently. Let this be the decade we turned the page. Let this be the decade we ended the politics of poverty—and began the practice of justice. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025


Business Recorder
an hour ago
- Business Recorder
Trump again threatens India with harsh tariffs over Russian oil purchases
WASHINGTON: U.S. President Donald Trump again threatened on Monday to raise tariffs on goods from India over its Russian oil purchases, while New Delhi called his attack 'unjustified' and vowed to protect its economic interests, deepening the trade rift between the two countries. In a social media post, Trump wrote, 'India is not only buying massive amounts of Russian Oil, they are then, for much of the Oil purchased, selling it on the Open Market for big profits. They don't care how many people in Ukraine are being killed by the Russian War Machine.' 'Because of this, I will be substantially raising the Tariff paid by India to the USA,' he added. A spokesperson for India's foreign ministry said in response that India will 'take all necessary measures to safeguard its national interests and economic security.' 'The targeting of India is unjustified and unreasonable,' the spokesperson added. Trump has said that from Friday he will impose new sanctions on Russia as well as on countries that buy its energy exports, unless Moscow takes steps to end its 3-1/2 year war with Ukraine, opens new tab. Russian President Vladimir Putin has shown no public sign of altering his stance despite the deadline. Over the weekend, two Indian government sources told Reuters that India will keep purchasing oil from Russia despite Trump's threats. India has faced pressure from the West to distance itself from Moscow since Russia invaded Ukraine in early 2022. New Delhi has resisted, citing its longstanding ties with Russia and economic needs, opens new tab. Trump had already in July announced 25% tariffs on Indian imports, and U.S. officials have cited a range of geopolitical issues standing in the way of a U.S.-India trade accord. Trump has also cast the wider BRICS group of developing nations as hostile to the United States. India's biggest refiner buys US, Middle East crude as Trump slams Russia purchases Those nations have dismissed his accusation, saying the group promotes the interests of its members and of developing countries at large. Crude buyer India is the biggest buyer of seaborne crude from Russia, importing about 1.75 million barrels per day of Russian oil from January to June this year, up 1% from a year ago, according to data provided to Reuters by trade sources. India began importing oil from Russia because traditional supplies were diverted to Europe after the outbreak of the Ukraine conflict, the Indian spokesperson said, calling it a 'necessity compelled by global market situation.' The spokesperson also noted the West's, particularly the European Union's, bilateral trade with Russia: 'It is revealing that the very nations criticizing India are themselves indulging in trade with Russia.' Despite the Indian government's defiance, the country's main refiners paused buying Russian oil last week, sources told Reuters. Discounts to other suppliers narrowed after Trump threatened hefty tariffs on countries that make any such purchases. Indian government officials denied any policy change. The country's largest refiner, Indian Oil Corp, has bought 7 million barrels of crude from the United States, Canada and the Middle East, four trade sources told Reuters on Monday. India also has been frustrated by Trump repeatedly taking credit for an India-Pakistan ceasefire that he announced on social media in May, which halted days of hostilities between the nuclear-armed neighbors. The unpredictability of the Trump administration creates a challenge for Delhi, said Richard Rossow, head of the India program at Washington's Center for Strategic and International Studies. 'India's continued energy and defense purchases from Russia presents a larger challenge, where India does not feel it can predict how the Trump administration will approach Russia from month to month,' he said.