logo
Parties fail to reach consensus in imperial succession talks

Parties fail to reach consensus in imperial succession talks

Asahi Shimbun04-06-2025
Diet chamber speakers and representatives of parties and factions attend a meeting based on the law concerning special measures for the imperial household on April 17. (Takeshi Iwashita)
Ruling and opposition parties have essentially shelved talks in the Diet on whether to grant imperial family status to spouses and children of female family members, sources said June 3.
The parties, discussing how to secure stable succession to the Chrysanthemum throne, decided they cannot reach a 'consensus of the legislature' during the current Diet session, which closes on June 22, the sources said.
In the talks so far, the parties agreed that female members of the imperial family should retain their status after marriage.
But the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan could not narrow their differences over the treatment of spouses and children of female family members.
Taro Aso, the LDP's top adviser, CDP President Yoshihiko Noda and the speaker and deputy speaker of the Lower House have been discussing the issue behind the scenes.
The four were scheduled to hold talks on June 3, but the meeting was canceled because no compromise was expected.
Noda proposed that the status of spouses and children be determined by the imperial household council, whose members include the prime minister and speaker and deputy speaker of both Diet chambers.
However, Aso rejected the proposal, saying a system under which a civilian male can become an imperial family member could lead to acceptance of an emperor who inherited the imperial bloodline from the mother's side of the emperor.
The LDP had confirmed its opposition to the proposal at a party meeting in May.
An agreement appeared more likely concerning how to deal with the descendants of 11 family branches that lost their imperial status after World War II.
The four discussed a system that would allow the imperial family to adopt only male descendants of the 11 branches who inherited the imperial bloodline from the father's side of the emperor.
Although they were nearing an agreement on this measure, they decided not to make a conclusion because of the lack of consensus on the other issue.
A proposal has now emerged to organize and present the current points of agreement and differences for linkage to future discussions.
(This article was written by Anri Takahashi and Takahiro Okubo.)
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

China Slowly Making Security Inroads in Southeast Asia, Report Says
China Slowly Making Security Inroads in Southeast Asia, Report Says

The Diplomat

time8 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

China Slowly Making Security Inroads in Southeast Asia, Report Says

While the U.S. is still the region's security partner of choice, Sydney's Lowy Institute has noted a growing divide between mainland and maritime Southeast Asia. China's efforts to build up its security engagement with the nations of Southeast Asia are starting to make progress, Sydney's Lowy Institute Analysis said in a new report, although the United States remains by far the region's most influential security player. The report, published yesterday, analyzed Southeast Asia's defense agreements, dialogues, and joint military exercises with ten countries: Australia, Canada, China, France, India, Japan, Russia, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It noted a broad expansion of these engagements over the past decade, as Southeast Asian nations have sought to diversify their defense partnerships in a context of growing strategic competition between China and the United States. As a result, the report said, 'the landscape for defense cooperation in Southeast Asia is becoming more complex and contested.' An important part of this, as the report notes, has been China's attempts to bolster its defense engagement with the region, as a complement to its strong economic and trade ties. While this is intended to challenge the predominance that the U.S. has enjoyed since the end of World War II, Beijing's efforts have had patchy results. According to the Lowy Institute's analysis, the U.S. was the top overall defense partner for Southeast Asia, leading the region for both military exercises and dialogue mechanisms, and ranking equal first with India for the number of defense agreements signed between 2017 and 2024. China only ranks eighth overall, and sixth for the number of dialogue mechanisms, defense agreements, and combined military exercises. Beijing's efforts have been heavily weighted toward the five nations of mainland Southeast Asia (Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam), which have, in general, seen much less interest from external defense partners than the maritime region. This is likely due to China's growing maritime assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, which has led to a raft of new defense initiatives involving the Philippines in particular, but also with Indonesia and Singapore. This has allowed China to make more substantial inroads in mainland Southeast Asia. China is now the top defense partner for Laos and Cambodia, while also bolstering its engagement with Thailand, which saw its security engagement with its U.S. treaty ally drop after the military coup of 2014. China also remains a key defense partner of the Myanmar military, which is currently fighting to maintain its hold on power in the face of a coalition of resistance forces and ethnic armed groups. While China has made some recent gains in terms of strengthening its defense ties with Indonesia and Malaysia, the current trends point toward a possible intra-regional split within Southeast Asia into areas of relative Chinese and American defense influence. The region 'risks dividing into two camps: maritime countries with deep defense ties to the United States and its allies, and mainland countries lacking such cooperation,' Susannah Patton, the report's co-author and the Institute's deputy research director, said in a statement accompanying the report's release. However, it is also true that not all defense agreements are created equally. As the Lowy Institute report notes, U.S. and Japanese engagement tends to serve a more practical function. As an example, it cited the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) that the U.S. signed with Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand in 2005. This covers logistical support, supplies, and equipment used during exercises between U.S. forces and their Southeast Asian counterparts. Chinese engagement, on the other hand, is more likely to be subordinated to diplomatic and political goals. China's defense agreements with countries such as Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam 'are mostly vague and symbolic, containing only general commitments to cooperation and dialogue.' Most of China's agreements 'lack substantive provisions for technology transfer, combined training, or intelligence sharing.' The report notes that China is also more restrained and cautious in how it engages in joint military exercises with Southeast Asian partners. 'Interoperability is conspicuously lacking in China's military exercises with regional partners, a reflection of Beijing's reluctance to expose its capabilities, and differences in systems and doctrines,' the report stated. 'China's cautious stance has in turn bred mistrust.' Elsewhere, the report's findings reflected the region's attempts to escape the U.S.-China binary by building defense partnerships with other prominent regional partners. The report notes that between 2017 and 2024, Australia, India, and Japan have 'signed more defense agreements with Southeast Asian countries than China and the United States combined.' Moreover, 'If Canada and South Korea are included, the collective figures for the middle powers dwarf those of the United States and China.' Overall, the report points to the limits of China's defense engagement with the region, and suggests that the current trend, of deepening economic integration with China alongside growing security cooperation with the U.S. and its partners and allies, is likely to continue. Given that new defense cooperation initiatives from the United States and its allies focus largely on the maritime region – unsurprisingly, given the ongoing tensions in the South China Sea – this trend also 'risks leaving mainland Southeast Asia more reliant on cooperation with China and Russia, increasing the geopolitical divide within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations,' the report stated.

Family suffers from attacks on both Hiroshima, Pearl Harbor
Family suffers from attacks on both Hiroshima, Pearl Harbor

Asahi Shimbun

time14 hours ago

  • Asahi Shimbun

Family suffers from attacks on both Hiroshima, Pearl Harbor

Stephen Hiroshi Miwa was in his early teens when he learned his family's secret. His interest in the family's history was sparked when he heard his mother say that the Miwa family was 'unlucky.' Miwa, a 61-year-old Japanese-American, found out his grandfather was victimized in World War II by both the Japanese and U.S. governments. He died before Miwa was born. Miwa's father, Lawrence Fumio Miwa, also suffered in the war. But he had refrained from talking about his past. To learn more about what had happened to the family, Miwa asked his aunt who lived near him in Hawaii. 'Are you sure you want to know?' his aunt asked. Then she started to describe her experience in Hiroshima when the atomic bomb exploded. She said almost everyone around her died, and she saw glass shards stuck all over her friend. 'Do you want to know more?' the aunt asked again. But because she was crying, Miwa stopped asking questions. PROSPERING IN HAWAII Miwa, who was born and raised in the United States, barely remembered learning about the atomic bombing at school. After becoming an adult, he began to research the war and how it affected his family. Japanese immigration to Hawaii increased significantly after the government in the Meiji Era (1868-1912) made an agreement with the Kingdom of Hawaii. Many immigrants worked on sugar plantations, and the Japanese population expanded in Hawaii. Miwa's great-grandfather from Hiroshima and his grandfather, James Seigo Miwa, gained success in the food import-export business in Hawaii. At that time, many wealthy Japanese immigrants sent mothers and children back to Japan for education. The Miwa family was no exception. Miwa's grandfather stayed in Hawaii. But Miwa's father, Lawrence, who was born in Hawaii, and his grandmother relocated to Hiroshima in 1933. While the family lived apart, Japan attacked the U.S. military base and airfields at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii in December 1941. About 2,400 people on the U.S. side died in the raid. According to a local Japanese-language newspaper and other sources, 'nikkei' (descendants of Japanese) made up nearly 40 percent of Hawaii's population at the time. After the Japanese attack, those in leadership positions in Hawaii's nikkei community were arrested. Miwa's grandfather was sent to a Japanese-American concentration camp in New Mexico. Later, the grandfather boarded an exchange ship that transported diplomats stranded between Japan and the United States. The passenger list of the ship is preserved at the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan in Tokyo. It includes the name James Seigo Miwa. In 1943, grandfather James returned to Japan and was reunited with his wife and children in Hiroshima. Two years later, on Aug. 6, 1945, the U.S. military dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. By the end of December that year, about 140,000 people had died. James suffered from symptoms believed to be caused by the atomic bomb and died of cancer nine years later. Lawrence was a 14-year-old junior high school student who had been evacuated from Hiroshima city at the time of the atomic bombing. However, nine days after the bombing, on Aug. 15, Lawrence entered the area of the hypocenter in Hiroshima to search for his family. He was exposed to radiation. WARTIME DIARY FOUND After the war, James told Lawrence that Hawaii was full of business opportunities. In 1947, Lawrence left Japan with Miwa's aunt for the Aloha state. Lawrence received a scholarship and graduated from a university on the U.S. mainland. He worked successfully as a banker in Hawaii. However, he remained silent about his past. But he started to open up around 2008, when he found a diary he had kept just before and after the end of World War II. The diary, full of entries praising the emperor, reflected his mindset as a militaristic youth. He later described himself as being brainwashed. Lawrence never explained to his son why he decided to share his story after finding the diary. However, in 2019, at an atomic bomb memorial ceremony held in Honolulu, Lawrence stated: 'Today, it should not matter what nationality you are. … No one, especially our children, should ever experience the horrors of nuclear weapons.' The number of hibakusha who live in Hawaii continues to decline due to aging and other factors. According to the Hiroshima Prefectural Medical Association, which sends doctors to provide health consultations for atomic bomb survivors in Hawaii, 118 people participated in the program in 1991, but only 15 attended the last session in 2023. Miwa's father died in 2023. Reflecting on his family's history, Miwa said he cannot fully trust any government, no matter the country. Instead, he said, he believes in the citizens. 'The common decency is let's make sure we don't ever use nuclear weapons again,' Miwa said. To emphasize the inhumanity of war, Miwa self-published his father's diary, titled, 'Gambare Hiroshima--Don't Give Up!' in March 2024. He has donated copies of the book to Hiroshima city. On the eve of the Aug. 6 Peace Memorial Ceremony in Hiroshima this year, 217 copies were given to international dignitaries who arrived in the city to attend the ceremony.

LDP Lawmakers Seeking Leadership Race Will Need to Write In, Says Party Committee
LDP Lawmakers Seeking Leadership Race Will Need to Write In, Says Party Committee

Yomiuri Shimbun

time16 hours ago

  • Yomiuri Shimbun

LDP Lawmakers Seeking Leadership Race Will Need to Write In, Says Party Committee

The Liberal Democratic Party plans to ask its lawmakers who want to hold the party's next presidential race early to express their support in writing. The LDP presidential election committee, chaired by Ichiro Aisawa, held its first meeting on the issue at party headquarters on Tuesday. Its members agreed on having LDP lawmakers who support an early leadership race express so in writing. The committee also intends to ask each of the party's prefectural chapters for their stance on the matter, but it will determine how to confirm their views later. Article 6, Section 4 of the LDP Constitution stipulates that even if the president's term has not expired, an election shall be held if requested by a majority of a group comprising the party's Diet members and one representative from each prefectural chapter. Currently, that group is made up of 342 individuals, so a majority would mean 172 people in favor. At the committee meeting on Tuesday, some called for sounding support for a presidential election immediately after the party reviews last month's House of Councillors election, which it is slated to do in late August. The election committee plans to hold another meeting as early as next week. After the meeting on Tuesday, Aisawa told reporters, 'Speed is important, but at the same time, we must be rigorous and careful in designing the system to ensure that we confirm people's perspectives without error.' On the day, the committee, which is supposed to have 11 members, appointed eight new members to fill vacancies created by former members losing in the upper house election, among other factors.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store