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Is China's space collaboration with Latin America under threat as the US asserts power?

Is China's space collaboration with Latin America under threat as the US asserts power?

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Analysts expect the trend to continue, but it is unlikely that Latin-American countries will abandon the China partnership if the US cannot provide competing alternatives.
The latest controversy involves the potential cancellation of an
US$80 million astronomical observatory project between China's National Astronomical Observatory and a Chilean university.
It was reported last month that Chilean President Gabriel Boric had decided to cancel the project following concerns conveyed to Santiago by the Biden administration. The Chilean foreign ministry was reviewing the matter, the reports said.
Observers warn that the Trump White House is likely to intensify scrutiny of Sino-Latin American
space cooperation and adopt a more assertive approach.
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They expect the United States to continue seeking to block such cooperation, forcing Latin American governments into an increasingly difficult balancing act between the
two superpowers
Francisco Urdinez, associate professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile's Political Science Institute, said that Latin American countries were increasingly facing US pressure over scientific partnerships with China amid the intensifying big power rivalry.
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US tariffs won't stop China's long game in SE Asia
US tariffs won't stop China's long game in SE Asia

AllAfrica

time6 hours ago

  • AllAfrica

US tariffs won't stop China's long game in SE Asia

As the United States presses its 'reciprocal tariffs' campaign against ASEAN members, Washington's hard-nosed trade tactics are sending ripples far beyond the negotiating rooms of Singapore, Jakarta and Hanoi. US negotiators may frame this as an effort to win better market access for American goods and chip away at Chinese expansion in Southeast Asia, but Beijing is watching closely and repositioning itself to turn US-ASEAN tensions to its long-term advantage. The Trump administration's strategy has been characteristically direct: levy hefty tariffs first and then issue a laundry list of concessions in return for partial relief. This year, on April 2, the US implemented 'reciprocal tariffs' ranging up to 49% on imports from certain ASEAN nations, including Vietnam and Cambodia, while others, such as Singapore, were subject to 10% duties. Those came down after negotiations but are still in the range of 19-24% for top trading partners like Thailand (19%), the Philippines (19%), Vietnam (20%) and Malaysia (24%). For most ASEAN economies, where the US is a key export market, forfeiting preferential access jeopardizes GDP growth, jobs and even political stability. The US calls for restricting Chinese exports and future compliance with possible future sanctions against Beijing puts ASEAN directly in the middle of a raging competition. This is where China sees both a challenge and an opening. For 15 consecutive years, China has been ASEAN's largest trading partner. In the first quarter of 2025, two-way trade hit $234 billion, with full-year figures projected to surpass $1 trillion, far ahead of US-ASEAN trade volumes. The US push to force ASEAN to cut Chinese goods directly targets the integrated supply chains that underpin this relationship. But rather than counter with public threats, Beijing is moving toward a more subtle, calculated response: embedding itself more deeply in ASEAN's economic fabric in ways that US tariff policy will struggle to unwind. Another important prong is accelerating local production within ASEAN. Chinese enterprises are establishing or setting up factories inside Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia, not to lower labor expenses, but to meet 'rules of origin' for more products to contribute in the global supply chain. The policy is not new. It is a rerun of the 'China plus one' diversification strategy popular during the US-China trade war, but its pace is picking up speed. Regional trackers show that Chinese greenfield spending on ASEAN production reached a record US$26.4 billion level during 2023, surpassing US spending, which was around $7 billion. Its logic is straightforward as by having the US specifically target products having as little as 10-20% Chinese content, direct production inside ASEAN makes Washington's market-access blocking increasingly difficult. The move also binds ASEAN economies to Chinese industrial complexes all the more securely via supply deals, shared infrastructure and local employment integration. Another dimension of Beijing's counterplay is to diversify China's outbound investment from its Belt and Road infrastructure construction to ASEAN's production clusters, tech parks and logistic hubs. As such, China ensures that while goods are technically 'ASEAN-made,' financial, technological and logistical pillars thereof remain all strictly aligned with Chinese technology and funds. Such infrastructural presence makes it considerably harder for US trade policy to disrupt China's presence in the region's value chain. At the same time, China is preparing to fill the inevitable gaps left by US-ASEAN trade adjustments. Many ASEAN negotiators have already signaled a willingness to buy more American agricultural products, aircraft and energy, often at higher cost than other suppliers, to placate Washington. But there are sectors where US goods are simply too expensive or fail to meet local requirements. In steel, electronics, textiles, and increasingly in renewable energy equipment, China remains the more competitive supplier. If ASEAN reduces imports of these goods from China to comply with US demands, Beijing can redirect supply to domestic markets or other fast-growing partners, while simultaneously offering ASEAN cooperation in emerging sectors such as electric vehicle (EV) manufacturing and agricultural technology. Such versatility is coming up trumps. During the first half of 2025, China's shipments to Southeast Asia increased 16.6%, while those to the US fell 21.7%. These statistics indicate that although Washington can upset certain flows, it cannot readily compensate for the size and agility China brings to ASEAN's broad economy. Apart from goods, China fills a gap in services and finance. With US tariff policy casting a cloud over ASEAN export planning, Beijing is making financial markets in China accessible, developing renminbi settlement mechanisms and reinforcing measures facilitating trade and decreasing reliance on the US dollar. These measures cushion ASEAN economies against US policy fluctuations and integrate them further into China's financial system. Tone is no less significant than strategy. The warlike tack coming out of Washington, including reports of President Donald Trump boasting about countries 'kissing my ass' to get tariff relief, has backfired on the US across the globe. Such language can generate domestic backlash against leaders who are perceived to be buckling under US pressure. By contrast, Beijing has been careful to refer to its engagement as 'mutually beneficial cooperation' and 'win-win development.' Such gentler, inclusive language works better not only with ASEAN leaders but also resonates well with public opinion and is therefore politically easier for governments to uphold or deepen economic relationships with China. China's signal to ASEAN is already loud and clear: make the best possible deal with the US. Chinese Premier Li Qiang said, 'Facing rising protectionism and unilateralism in some places of the world, we must be committed to expanding opening up and removing barriers.' The implicit message is also loud and clear: China will be waiting to invest, supply and promote. The message makes Beijing the pragmatic counterpart at a time when the US is coming across as unpredictable and crudely transactional. Nevertheless, Beijing needs to be cautious. Push too hard, and it confirms Washington's storyline of ASEAN overdependence on China. Move too gradually, and ASEAN nations might rearrange supply chains in a fashion that actually diminishes Chinese clout. The sweet spot is measured by integration through more joint enterprises, increased domestic employment, vigorous technology diffusion and jointly designed R&D centers. These programs make Chinese engagement not only economically essential but also politically acceptable to a range of different ASEAN governments. Trump's 'reciprocal tariffs' policy is designed to push ASEAN away from China. However, Beijing's counter-steps, from localized production and diverted investment to plugging supply gaps and deepening financial links, underscore China's long-game strategy in the region. For ASEAN, the most sustainable course is still balancing diversified trade with both powers. For China, the key is to make its economic presence in Southeast Asia too deep and too valuable to be uprooted. If Beijing can achieve this balancing act, the very policies designed to weaken its influence in the region could end up bolstering them, not through public posturing, but through low-key, measured integration driving the very heart of ASEAN's economic future. Bilal Habib Qazi is an independent researcher based in Pakistan with a PhD in international relations from Jilin University in China. His research interests span geopolitics and strategic competition, foreign policy analysis, international security and regional order, as well as global governance and international organizations. He may be reached at bhqazi@

All countries should oppose unilateralism: Xi
All countries should oppose unilateralism: Xi

RTHK

time8 hours ago

  • RTHK

All countries should oppose unilateralism: Xi

All countries should oppose unilateralism: Xi President Xi Jinping calls on Global South countries to jointly safeguard international fairness and justice during his phone conversation with his Brazilian counterpart Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. File photo: Xinhua President Xi Jinping told his Brazilian counterpart on Tuesday the two countries could set an example of "self-reliance" for emerging powers, as trade and geopolitical challenges mount. In a phone call with Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Xi also said all countries should unite and firmly oppose unilateralism and protectionism. The two leaders have both in recent months presented their countries as staunch defenders of the multilateral trading system, in stark contrast with US President Donald Trump's tariff onslaught. Their phone call came just hours after Trump announced another 90-day pause to blistering tariffs on China. It also followed indications from Lula last week he planned to speak with the leaders of China and India to consider a coordinated response to US trade measures. Xi told Lula that China would "work with Brazil to set an example of unity and self-reliance among major countries in the Global South, and jointly build a more just world and more sustainable planet", according to Xinhua News Agency. Xi called on Global South countries to jointly safeguard international fairness and justice, defend the basic norms governing international relations, and protect the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, Xinhua reported. The president also said ties between China and Brazil are now at an all-time high. Xi said China and Brazil should continue to address global challenges, ensure the success of the upcoming UN Climate Change Conference in the Brazilian city of Belem, and promote the "Friends of Peace" group's role in facilitating the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis. A statement by the Brazilian presidency said the phone call lasted about an hour, and the two leaders discussed a range of topics including the war in Ukraine and the fight against climate change. "Both agreed on the role of the G20 and Brics in defending multilateralism," the statement said. Lula spoke highly of China's efforts to uphold multilateralism and safeguard free trade rules, as well as its responsible role in international affairs. The two leaders also "committed to expanding the scope of cooperation in sectors such as health, oil and gas, digital economy and satellites", the statement added. China has surpassed the United States as Brazil's largest trading partner, and two-thirds of Latin American countries have signed up to the Belt and Road infrastructure drive. Lula conducted a five-day state visit to China in May, when he told a forum for cooperation between Beijing and Latin America that his region did not want to "start a new Cold War". (AFP/Xinhua)

Why Taiwan doesn't need to panic over Trump just yet
Why Taiwan doesn't need to panic over Trump just yet

South China Morning Post

time20 hours ago

  • South China Morning Post

Why Taiwan doesn't need to panic over Trump just yet

US President Donald Trump's return to the White House has undoubtedly put Taiwan on edge. His mistreatment of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, in the Oval Office at the end of February, coupled with his prickly and mercurial attitude toward US allies and partners worldwide, has been a real wake-up call for Taipei. But the second Trump administration had not significantly deviated from the cross-strait policies of past presidencies – until recently. Advertisement Two weeks ago, the big headline was that the Trump administration had reportedly cancelled Taiwanese leader Lai Ching-te's transit privileges through the United States en route to Paraguay, Guatemala and Belize. Despite the lack of US diplomatic recognition of Taiwan, it is customary for Washington to authorise Taiwanese leaders to briefly set foot on US soil and transfer to their next flight; sometimes they are also allowed to meet senior American officials and give speeches In this case, Lai was going to stop in New York and Dallas, but for unclear reasons, the Trump administration felt uncomfortable with his itinerary. The most likely reason is that Trump sought to avoid the poor optics of supporting Taiwan amid sensitive trade negotiations with Beijing. However, the Trump team never gave an explanation. Another bad news story for Taiwan, though less mainstream than the first, happened about two months ago but was only first reported in late July. Wellington Koo, Taiwan's defence chief, had been scheduled to meet Elbridge Colby, US undersecretary of defence for policy, in June, but Washington reportedly called off the meeting saying the timing was bad because of the US strikes on Iran. The talks are yet to take place. The Taiwanese side remains concerned that Washington is beginning to soften its stance on Beijing at Taipei's expense. A final worrisome moment pertained to trade. The Trump administration announced that Taiwan's new reciprocal tariff rate would be 20 per cent . Although this was down from Trump's initial 32 per cent rate, Lai was displeased, saying: 'The 20 per cent tariff rate was never Taiwan's target to begin with. We will continue negotiations and strive for a rate that's more favourable for Taiwan.' Advertisement Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company had already pledged US$100 billion to invest in the US to manufacture semiconductor chips, but the result was still unsatisfactory. Sustained trade frictions have led many in Taiwan to wonder whether an inability to get along economically could eventually convince the US to abandon the island.

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