
The Guardian view on Syria's hopes and fears: stability can't be built without the people
In March, hundreds of mostly Alawite civilians were massacred along the coast, after an ambush of security forces by supporters of the ousted dictator, Bashar al-Assad, a member of the sect. Then, this month, a dispute between a Bedouin tribesman and a member of the Druze minority in the southern region of Sweida swiftly escalated into horrific sectarian mass violence, involving Syrian government forces.
Armed clashes, bombardments, summary executions and then Israeli airstrikes killed hundreds of people, including civilians. What is perhaps most alarming is the speed with which incidents can spiral, and the inability or unwillingness of the new government to control what is less an army than a ragbag of militias and warlords.
Mr Sharaa has been adept at winning over his international audience, but much less so at addressing his domestic one. He has made gestures towards inclusivity, but substance has been much less evident. His leadership must straddle a fundamental contradiction: he needs to keep an extremist sectarian base on side – with Islamic State and others trying to lure members away – while reassuring the rest of a fragmented and deeply scarred country that he can protect them and meet at least their basic needs.
The Assads weaponised intercommunal divisions to bolster their rule. Many people are seeking redress or retaliation for abuses committed under the old regime. The ubiquity of weapons after years of war and the desire of militia leaders to defend their interests adds to the danger, as does competition for scant economic resources.
Israel's intervention this month – purportedly in defence of the Druze, a significant minority in Israel – has deepened the crisis. It has occupied additional territory and has clearly been working to reduce Syrian military capabilities and to undermine the leadership. Striking the defence ministry in Damascus didn't just send a message 'regarding the events in Sweida' but about its broader intentions. The US, which recognises that Syria's disintegration is not in its interests, has sought to rein Israel in and must continue doing so.
Amid this bleak outlook, there are still notes of hope, especially in persistent grassroots efforts to tackle intercommunal violence through dialogue and to pursue transitional justice. These two priorities are interconnected: without ending impunity for the events of recent months and past decades, Syria cannot hope to establish the trust on which effective discussions depend.
The government has paid lip service to transitional justice but has yet to name those it believes accountable for the slaughter in March – despite evidence on social media as well as from witnesses. It says there will be 'no tolerance' of abuses by anyone in Sweida. Terrified minorities will want to see proof of that assertion. Improved accountability, and commitment to building relations between communities, are not indulgences for happier and more prosperous times, but the foundation stones required for a successful nation. A Syria that is not inclusive and protective cannot hope to survive and thrive.
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The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
US labor activist Chris Smalls assaulted by IDF during Gaza aid trip, group says
On Saturday night, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) intercepted and boarded the Handala, an aid ship that attempted to reach Gaza as part of the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, a grassroots international collective that has worked to end Israel's blockade of Gaza since 2010. According to the coalition, IDF soldiers beat and choked the American labor activist Chris Smalls, who was onboard the ship. Smalls is most well-known for co-founding the Amazon Labor Union. The Handala, which carried food, baby formula, diapers and medicine, was attempting to breach Israel's blockade of Gaza, as Palestinians there continue to starve in what UN-backed hunger experts have called a 'worst-case scenario of famine' that is unfolding. 'The Freedom Flotilla Coalition confirms that upon arrival in Israeli custody, US human rights defender Chris Smalls was physically assaulted by seven uniformed individuals. They choked him and kicked him in the legs, leaving visible signs of violence on his neck and back,' the Freedom Flotilla Coalition wrote in a statement posted on Instagram on Tuesday morning. 'When his lawyer met with him, Chris was surrounded by six members of Israel's special police unit. This level of force was not used against other abducted activists. We condemn this violence against Chris and demand accountability for the assault and discriminatory treatment he faced.' Smalls, the only Black person onboard the boat, was one of 21 members of the group who were detained. Others included 19 civilians, including parliamentarians, medics and engineers, and two journalists. Jacob Berger, a Jewish American actor who shared on Instagram that Smalls was in 'great spirits' after his detention – everyone else who was detained, he said, should be released on Tuesday or Wednesday. The interception of the Handala came as more than 30 Israeli public figures called for 'crippling sanctions' over Israel's starvation of Gaza. Donald Trump said he wanted 'to make sure [Gazans] get the food, every ounce of food' during a recent meeting with the UK prime minister, Keir Starmer. The Handala was not the first effort by the Freedom Flotilla Coalition to deliver aid to Gaza. Previous attempts, including one in June in which Greta Thunberg was arrested, were also intercepted by Israel. In 2010, Israeli commandos killed 10 activists setting sail for Gaza on the Mavi Marmara. 'We are calling on others around the world, definitely our countries, to live up to their obligation of enforcing international law, of protecting human rights, but also other institutions that are founded to do the same,' said Huwaida Arraf, a Palestinian American attorney and Handala member, in an appearance on Monday on Democracy Now. 'We should not be waiting for Israel to give permission for food or other humanitarian aid to enter … we need to be breaking, challenging and breaking the blockade.' While they were onboard the flotilla, Araf said that the US government did not make contact with the seven American members of the crew, though France, Spain and Italy contacted their citizens to offer consular services after their detention. It is not yet clear if Smalls or any other American citizens have been contacted since their detention. They were 'legitimizing Israeli piracy on the high seas. And that is unacceptable to us,' she said, referring to countries that offered services following the illegal boarding in international waters. 'And that is the kind of impunity that our governments, all governments, really, have been allowing Israel to just violate international law.'


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
We are Israeli human rights activists. Our country is committing genocide
The question keeps gnawing at me: Could this really be it? Could we be living through a genocide? Outside Israel, millions already know the answer. But many of us here can't – or won't – say it aloud. Perhaps because the truth threatens to unmake everything we believed about who we are, and who we wanted to be. To name it is to admit that the future will require reckoning – not just with our leaders, but with ourselves. But the cost of refusing to see is even higher. For Israelis of my generation, the word 'genocide' was supposed to remain a nightmare from another planet. A word tethered to our grandparents' photographs and the ghosts of European ghettoes, not to our own neighborhoods. We were the ones who asked, from a distance, about others: How could ordinary people go on with their lives while something like this happened? How could they let it happen? What would I have done in their place? In a grotesque twist of history, that question now circles back to us. For nearly two years, we've heard Israeli officials – politicians and generals alike – say out loud what they intend to do: to starve, flatten and erase Gaza. 'We will eliminate them.' 'We will make it uninhabitable.' 'We will cut off food, water, electricity.' These weren't slips of the tongue; they were the plan. And then, our military carried it out. By the textbook definition, this is genocide: the deliberate targeting of a population not for who they are as individuals, but because they belong to a group – an attack designed to destroy the group itself. We told ourselves other stories to survive the horror, stories that kept guilt and grief at bay. We convinced ourselves that every child in Gaza was Hamas, every apartment a terrorist cell. We became, without noticing, those 'ordinary people' who keep living their lives while 'it' is happening. I can still recall the first time reality cracked open for me. Two months into what I was still calling a 'war', three of my B'Tselem colleagues – Palestinian human rights workers we'd worked alongside for years – were trapped in Gaza with their families. They told me about relatives buried under rubble, about not being able to shield their children, about the paralyzing fear. In the frantic efforts to extract them from Gaza, I learned something that has seared itself into my mind: at that moment, a living Palestinian in Gaza could be 'ransomed' for roughly 20,000 shekels – the cost, at the time, of leaving. Children cost less. Life priced in cash, per head. These were not abstract statistics; these were people I knew. And that was when I understood: the rules had changed. Since then, the surreal has become routine. Cities reduced to ash. Entire neighborhoods flattened. Families displaced, then displaced again. Tens of thousands killed. Mass starvation engineered, with aid trucks turned away or bombed. Parents feeding animal fodder to their children, some of whom die waiting for flour. Others are shot – unarmed civilians, gunned down for approaching food convoys. Genocide does not happen without mass participation: a population that supports it, enables it or looks away. That is part of its tragedy. Almost no nation that has committed genocide understood, in real time, what it was doing. The story is always the same: self-defense, inevitability, the targets brought it on themselves. In Israel, the prevailing narrative insists this all began on 7 October, with Hamas's massacre of civilians in southern Israel. That day was a true horror, a grotesque burst of human cruelty: civilians slaughtered, raped, taken hostage. A concentrated national trauma that summoned, for many Israelis, a profound sense of existential threat. But 7 October, while catalytic, was not enough on its own. Genocide requires conditions – decades of apartheid and occupation, of separation and dehumanization, of policies designed to sever our capacity for empathy. Gaza, sealed off from the world, became the apex of this architecture. Its people became abstractions, perpetual hostages in our imagination, subjects to bomb every few years, to kill by the hundreds or thousands, with no accountability. We knew more than 2 million people were living under siege. We knew about Hamas. We knew about the tunnels. In hindsight, we knew everything. Yet somehow we were incapable of understanding that some of them might find a way to break out. What happened on 7 October was not only a military failure. It was a collapse of our social imagination: the delusion that we could corral all the violence and despair behind a fence and live peacefully on our side. That rupture arrived under the most extreme rightwing government in Israel's history, a coalition whose ministers openly fantasize about Gaza's erasure. And so, in October 2023, every star in our darkest nightmare aligned. This week, B'Tselem released a report, Our Genocide, compiled by Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli researchers together. It is divided into two parts. The first documents how this genocide is being carried out: mass killings, destruction of living conditions, social collapse and engineered starvation, all fueled by incitement from Israeli leaders and amplified through media. The second part of the report traces the path that led here: decades of systemic inequality, military rule and policies of separation that normalized Palestinian disposability. To confront genocide, we must first understand it. And in order to do so, we – Jewish-Israelis and Palestinians – had to look at reality together, through the perspective of the human beings living on this land. Our moral and human obligation is to amplify the voices of the victims. Our political and historical responsibility is also to turn our gaze to the perpetrators, and to testify, in real time, to how a society transforms into one capable of committing genocide. Recognizing this truth is not easy. Even for us, people who have spent years documenting state violence against Palestinians, the mind resists it. It rejects the facts like poison, tries to spit them out. But the poison is here. It floods the bodies of those who live between the river and the sea – Palestinians and Israelis alike – with fear and unfathomable loss. The Israeli state is committing genocide. And once you accept that, the question we have asked ourselves all our lives rematerializes with urgency: What would I have done, back then, on that other planet? Except the answer is not rhetorical. It is now. It is us. And there is only one right answer: We must do everything in our power to stop it. Yuli Novak is the executive director of B'Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
Freed British-Israeli hostage accuses Starmer of ‘moral failure' over move to recognise Palestine
A British-Israeli woman who was held hostage by Hamas for more than 15 months has accused Keir Starmer of 'moral failure' after he set the UK on course to recognise a Palestinian state. Emily Damari, 29, who was released in January, said the prime minister was 'not standing on the right side of history' and should be ashamed. Her criticism came as lawyers representing British families of hostages held in Gaza by Hamas warned the UK government's intention to recognise a Palestinian state risked disincentivising the release of captives. Starmer said on Tuesday that the UK would recognise a Palestinian state in September unless the Israeli government abided by a ceasefire and committed to a two-state solution to the conflict. The UK government also said Hamas must release all hostages immediately, disarm, sign up to a ceasefire and accept it would play no role in the government of Gaza. In a post on Instagram, Damari said: 'Prime Minister Starmer is not standing on the right side of history. Had he been in power during World War II, would he have advocated recognition for Nazi control of occupied countries like Holland, France or Poland? 'This is not diplomacy – it is a moral failure. Shame on you, prime minister. 'As a dual British-Israeli citizen who survived 471 days in Hamas captivity, I am deeply saddened by Prime Minister Starmer's decision to recognise Palestinian statehood. This move does not advance peace – it risks rewarding terror. It sends a dangerous message: that violence earns legitimacy.' Damari was shot in the leg and hand when she was dragged from her home in the kibbutz Kfar Aza on 7 October. She was taken from the safe room of her house with her friends Ziv and Gali Berman, twin brothers who are still being held in Gaza. Since her release as part of a ceasefire deal, Damari has campaigned for the release of about 20 hostages believed to be still alive and for the bodies of about 30 dead hostages to be returned to their families. In a separate statement, Adam Rose and Adam Wagner, who have represented relatives of hostages who are either British or have close British ties since 7 October 2023, said the UK had made the hostages a 'bargaining chip'. They said: 'The risk is that Hamas will continue to refuse a ceasefire because if it agrees to one this would make UK recognition less likely.' The families they represented had asked Starmer to 'confirm, unambiguously, that Hamas will not be rewarded and that the UK will not take any substantive steps until all the hostages are free'. They added: 'For almost two years, the British hostage families have encouraged the UK to use any leverage it has to help secure the release of their loved ones. They have sat in 10 Downing Street with successive prime ministers and foreign secretaries who have looked them in the eyes and promised the UK will do everything in its power to secure the immediate and unconditional release of their loved ones, whose detention is unambiguously a war crime. 'We are concerned that the UK's proposal risks delaying the release of the hostages. This is because the UK has said that it will recognise a Palestinian state unless Israel agrees a ceasefire. But the risk is that Hamas will continue to refuse a ceasefire because if it agrees to one this would make UK recognition less likely. 'The families are therefore deeply concerned that the UK's approach risks disincentivising Hamas from releasing the hostages. This risks doing exactly what the prime minister's statement says the UK will not do: reward Hamas for its heinous and illegal acts.'