India's Little-Known Role in African Slave Trade

The Wire

2 days ago

Slave Dealers and Slaves Zanzibar. Photo: Wikimedia commons
Real journalism holds power accountable
Since 2015, The Wire has done just that.
But we can continue only with your support.
Contribute Now
The role of African slaves in India and the participation of Indians in slave administration has, until recently, received little attention. Africans were not the first people enslaved in India, but Arab traders trafficked them to the subcontinent as early as the 6th century CE.
One of the first known cases involved an Ethiopian, Jamal ud-Din Yaqut, who became Master of the Royal Stables in Delhi in 1236. By the 14th century, African slave trading grew, as Indian authorities exploited maritime networks linking Africa and India.
Indian goods were highly prized in Africa and were exchanged for gold, ivory and Ethiopian slaves. Trade in slaves was one of several exchanges connecting the Indian subcontinent with East Africa, creating a diverse and interconnected commercial system that thrived for centuries.
Arab dhows crossed the Indian Ocean in regular monsoon-driven voyages, carrying slaves, spices, textiles and metals. These maritime routes helped entrench African presence along India's coastal cities, such as Surat, Calicut and Cochin, which functioned as critical nodes in this transoceanic slave network.
An eyewitness
The diversity of African arrivals also complicates the simplistic binary of slave and free. Some Africans arrived as merchants or seafarers in their own right, contributing to the cosmopolitan character of port cities like Cambay and Bharuch.
The famed Berber traveller Ibn Battuta, who was born in Tangier in 1304, journeyed extensively across vast parts of Asia and Africa in the 14th century. He encountered thousands of African slaves during his travels, observing Abyssinian guards, shipmen, and warriors deployed across the subcontinent.
It was during his second journey that Ibn Battuta made his way across the Indian subcontinent, the Maldives, Sri Lanka and China, before returning to North Africa. During his time in India, he came across Habashis (as the Ethiopian slaves were known) distributed throughout the subcontinent, from northern India to Ceylon. They were employed primarily as guards or men-at-arms on land or at sea. In July 1342, for example, he was south-east of Delhi, in the town of Allapur in Uttar Pradesh:
'The governor of Alabur [Allapur] was the Abyssinian Badr, a slave of the sultan's, a man whose bravery passed into a proverb. He was continually making raids on the infidels alone and single handed, killing and taking captive, so that his fame spread far and wide and the infidels went in fear of him. He was tall and corpulent, and used to eat a whole sheep at a meal, and I was told that after eating he would drink about a pound and a half of ghee, following the custom of the Abyssinians in their own country.'
Ibn Battuta encountered African slaves in the southern Indian city called Qandahar (today the village of Ghandar on the mouth of the Dhandar river in Gujarat), where he describes meeting Ibrahim, the owner of six ships.
'We embarked on a ship belonging to Ibrahim … called al-Jagir. On this ship we put seventy of the horses of the sultan's present …[Ibrahim] sent his son with us on a ship called al-Uqayri, which resembles a galley, but is rather broader; it has sixty oars and is covered with a roof during battle in order to protect the rowers from arrows and stones. I myself went on board al-Jagir, which had a complement of fifty rowers and fifty Abyssinian men-at-arms. These latter are the guarantors of safety on the Indian Ocean; let there be but one of them on a ship and it will be avoided by the Indian pirates and idolaters.'
Ibn Battuta then travelled to Colombo in Ceylon (Sri Lanka), where he again found the ruler guarded by 'about five hundred Abyssinians.' When Ibn Battuta arrived in the Indian port of Calicut he saw a fleet of huge Chinese junks, each with four decks carrying up to 1,000 troops on board. The ships were highly sophisticated, with sailors having their wives and slave-girls living in their cabins, which were complete with latrines. Security was – once more – provided by Africans.
'The owner's factor [or agent] on board ship is like a great amir. When he goes on shore he is preceded by archers and Abyssinians with javelins, swords, drums, bugles and trumpets.'
The African presence in India, particularly in military contexts, also had a psychological and symbolic dimension. Africans were often perceived as loyal, physically strong, and strategically useful because they were outside traditional kinship networks. This made them ideal as bodyguards, palace guards, and elite soldiers, as their loyalty was presumed to lie solely with their patron. Their position within Indian courts and armies was sometimes precarious, but it could also be a pathway to influence and even power. Importantly, African troops played a stabilizing role in many of India's volatile princely states, serving as both protectors and enforcers, their foreign origins ensuring loyalty that transcended local rivalries.
African slaves become rulers
African slaves primarily served as troops. Some gained prominence – Bengal's Rukh-ud-din Barbak reportedly maintained an Ethiopian army of 8,000, his son expanding it to 20,000. Others, like Malik Ambar, rose even further.
Malik Amber. Photo: Wikimedia commons.
Born in Harangue, Ethiopia, Ambar was enslaved and brought to Baghdad, then India. He served under Chengiz Khan, a former Ethiopian slave turned statesman. Freed after his master's death, Ambar joined the military of various Indian rulers. By the 1590s, he led a cavalry force in Ahmednagar and resisted Mughal incursions using guerrilla tactics. He backed a new sultan and married his daughter into the royal family, consolidating his influence. Ambar's military campaigns were often characterized by their strategic use of terrain and speed, making his forces elusive and difficult for the Mughal armies to counter effectively.
As regent, Ambar implemented reforms and infrastructure projects, including a water system still in use today. He repeatedly thwarted Mughal forces – even Emperor Jahangir, who had insulted Ambar racially. Jahangir's frustration with Ambar is evident in his pejorative references, calling him 'the black-faced one' or 'the crafty one..' but these slights ultimately gave way to reluctant admiration.
In his official memoir, the Emperor Jahangir reversed his assessment of his opponent, declaring that although a slave, Ambar was nonetheless 'an able man. In warfare, in command, in sound judgement, and in administration he had no rival or equal…. He maintained his exalted position to the end of his life and closed his career in honour. History records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at such eminence.'
Ambar's political acumen extended beyond the battlefield. He maintained a complex network of alliances with other regional powers and made use of marriage diplomacy to strengthen his hold over Ahmednagar. He also sought to establish a bureaucratic apparatus that could outlast him, introducing land reforms and encouraging the cultivation of previously unproductive areas.
These measures helped secure resources for his military campaigns and built a stronger economic base for the sultanate. He was equally committed to cultural patronage, commissioning buildings and supporting learning, thereby carving a legacy that extended beyond war.
He was also instrumental in defending Deccan autonomy against the Mughal encroachment. Ambar's tactics of asymmetrical warfare and his ability to mobilise diverse ethnic groups under his command contributed to his enduring reputation as one of India's great military innovators.
Ambar died in 1626. Though his son surrendered Ahmednagar to the Mughals in 1633, Ambar's transformation from slave to kingmaker remains remarkable. Between 1486 and 1493 alone, four Ethiopian commanders rose to rule Indian states.
Their stories highlight how military slavery in India differed from other parts of the world: rather than being a terminal condition, it could provide upward mobility, status, and, in rare cases, sovereignty. The unique context of Indo-African relations, especially within Islamic polities, often facilitated the elevation of capable individuals, regardless of origin.
Indians administer the slave trade
India's involvement in African slavery extended abroad. Indian merchants were key players in the Omani-led East African slave trade. Oman, lacking natural resources, relied on trade and enslaved labour.
From the 1st century CE, Omanis traded along the Swahili coast, importing slaves – especially light-skinned women – for domestic service. Many of these slaves were destined for service in elite households, as concubines, wet nurses, or servants.
The trade was driven by the high demand for African labour and the prestige associated with owning African slaves, especially among the merchant elite.
Indian traders, especially in Muscat and later Zanzibar, dominated commerce in coffee and pearls, served as bankers, and helped administer the slave trade. After the Portuguese were ousted from Muscat in 1650, Oman expanded its African holdings.
Under Sultan Said bin Sultan (r. 1804–1856), Zanzibar became the new capital, centred on clove plantations worked by slaves. The move was a calculated effort to align the Omani economy with the booming global demand for spices.
Indian merchants followed, forming a major commercial presence along the coast. They managed customs, extended loans, and owned slave-run plantations. The Indian community also maintained close ties with the Omani court, and some Indian families wielded significant political influence.
Although Britain abolished slavery in 1833, enforcement was slow. By 1860, over 8,000 slaves owned by Indians were officially freed in Zanzibar – despite British law having banned the practice decades earlier. This underlines the ambivalence of colonial authorities, who were often reluctant to disrupt local economies and elite interests.
In some instances, Indian-owned plantations were larger and more profitable than those of their Arab counterparts. Wealthy Indian families invested heavily in infrastructure and trade networks, further entrenching the institution of slavery in the region.
The Indian community in Zanzibar and East Africa often maintained cultural and commercial links with Gujarat and Bombay, reinforcing the transoceanic dimensions of this trade. Many Indian-run firms operating in East Africa kept detailed records and accounts of their transactions, making it clear that slavery was not a peripheral or incidental activity, but an integral component of their economic strategies.
The entanglement of Indians in the East African slave trade was not limited to merchants alone. Clerks, shipbuilders, and middlemen were all complicit in the system. Some Indians served as slave overseers or worked in ports where captured Africans were processed and sold.
Sir Bartle Frere, the British governor of Bombay who visited Zanzibar in 1873, remarked that 'Throughout the Zanzibar coastline … all banking and mortgage business passes through Indian hands. Hardly a single loan can be negotiated, a mortgage effected, or a bill cashed without Indian agency.'
This complicity is rarely acknowledged today, yet it is essential for understanding the full scope of the Indian Ocean slave trade.
The legacy today
While slavery officially ended, its legacy lingered. In India, the Sidis – descendants of African slaves – were gradually integrated. Janjira and Sachin, princely states ruled by Sidis, existed until Indian independence in 1947.
The rulers of these states, though relatively minor in comparison to larger princely territories, held real power and maintained their autonomy under British indirect rule. Their courts often mirrored Indian traditions, but also retained distinct African elements, such as Sidi drumming and Swahili phrases in ceremonial contexts.
The Sidi community itself is diverse, with roots tracing back to different waves of African migration and enslavement. While some Sidis were brought as slaves, others arrived as soldiers, traders, or musicians.
The integration process varied regionally: in Gujarat, for instance, Sidis maintained a distinct identity, while in other parts of India, they assimilated more fully into local populations. Oral histories, religious rituals, and festivals continue to reflect the syncretic nature of their heritage, blending African, Islamic, and Hindu influences.
Today, around 100,000 Sidis live in Gujarat, Karnataka and other regions of India. Many retain Swahili musical traditions. Sidi drumming and dance performances are popular in some areas and have gained recognition in India's cultural landscape.
In Pakistan, a further 150,000 Sidis reside, often in poverty and facing racial discrimination. Their marginalisation reflects the lasting scars of a long and often overlooked history.
Detail of Jamal-ud-Din Yaqut from a miniature painting of Razia Sultana holding court (durbar) with identifying inscriptions, by Gulam Ali Khan, circa 19th century. Photo: Wikimedia commons.
Media depictions and social stigma frequently reinforce harmful stereotypes, further limiting access to opportunities. Yaqoob Qambrani, President of the Pakistan Sheedi Ittehad, complained that many opportunities are closed to them because of discrimination in education and work.
'In Qambrani's views, the deep-rooted culture of blaming and shaming 'black-face' in Pakistan has held them in chains of associated stereotypes. Sheedis are portrayed as '…the evils, thieves and unwanted. For instance, when anyone from our community boards a public transport bus, everyone else tries to keep their distance. We are not blind to watch how others look and treat us', Qambrani declared.
Despite centuries of presence, many Sidis still struggle with access to education, employment, and healthcare. Activists have called for affirmative action and greater government recognition of their unique heritage.
In recent years, Sidi youth have increasingly used digital platforms to share their stories and celebrate their culture, forging transnational ties with African-descended communities in the diaspora. Projects linking Sidis with African communities in Brazil and East Africa have fostered renewed interest in shared histories and solidarity movements.
Africa's entangled history with South Asia – spanning commerce, migration, and enslavement – deserves greater attention. From the rise of figures like Malik Ambar to the quiet endurance of Sidi communities, the legacy of African presence in India remains potent and deeply human.
As scholarship expands and awareness grows, the contributions and struggles of Africans in South Asia are beginning to receive the recognition they deserve. This history is not merely a footnote – it is a vital part of the global story of movement, power, and resistance.
The shared legacy of the Indian Ocean world – connecting Mombasa, Mumbai, Muscat, and beyond – offers a powerful lens through which to explore themes of agency, adaptation and survival.
Understanding these connections not only enriches our knowledge of the past but also challenges us to confront the enduring legacies of racism, marginalisation, and inequality in our present world.
Martin Plaut is the author of Unbroken Chains: A 5,000-Year History of African Enslavement, to be published by Hurst, August 2025